294 PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY. them to return to their former ftate of conftitutional obedience, the colonies were fecretly arming and preparing for war; but that now the mafque was thrown off, Britain had nothing to do but exert her full ftrength, and force that obedience, which America had traiterously with-held, by means the most firm and decifive. The perfons (properly or improperly we will not pretend to deternine) who pass under the general appellation of the king's friends took the lead in this debate, as well as the preceding. A noble lord (Lord Clare) fuppofed to be one of that corps, endeavoured to ftop all enquiry at the very threshold, by put ting the previous queftion. He faid the objects to be attained, the mode of attaining them, and in fhort every thing materially relative to our affairs in America, were taken up on a new ground. Till the fword was drawn, meatures of conciliation, pacification, and even conceffion ought to have been reforted to, and were very properly tried; what was the confequence? our prudence was interpreted into timidity, our policy into national weakness, and our parental care and affection to a fpirit of difunion and difcordant counfels. The fituation of affairs in America having undergone a great alteration during the prorogation of parliament, the conduct of minifters had of courfe changed; the king's fpeech announced that change, meafures fuited to fentiments therein declared were confequently adopted, and till the event of thofe meafures were tried and known, it would be difrefpectful to the crown, it would be abfurd to the lift degree, to confound the conduct of his majesty's fervants respecting a fate of tranquillity, and judge of it as if the fame had been directed to a fate of hoftility and open force. Another gentleman (Mr. Ellis) of the fame defcription, fpoke out more plainly. He contended, that Great Britain fhould have armed earlier; that all our misfortunes originated from mistaken lenity and impolitic moderation; and that at length thofe who were entrusted with the conduct of public affairs had learned by experience to fee matters in their true light, by refolving to fend out fuch June armaments both naval and military, as would either compel America to fubmit, or make her feel the fuperior weight and power of Great Britain. The laft (Sir Gilbert Elliot) of this real or ideal body of men who spoke, treated the question in a much more mafterly manner. He infifted, if fuch an enquiry were at all proper, this was not the time. Several whofe conduct would be enquired into, were the motion to be carried, as well as thofe whom it would become neceffary to examine, were at prefent at their respective ftations in America; and others not on actual fervice, are not yet returned home: taking it then in either light, in that of his two right honourable friends, that the measures being changed, no enquiry ought to be gone into, there was an end of the motion. If on the other hand, an enquiry was neceffary, the prefent motion was premature, neither the parties charged, nor those who were to be called upon to give evidence, being on the spot to defend themfelves, or give the information fo anxiously fought after. The minifter fat filent the whole night almoft; at half after one he rose and fpoke to the following effect. He faid, he had no objection to an enquiry at a proper feafon. He perfectly agreed with his right honourable friend (Sir Gilbert Elliot) that this was not the time. As America had changed, fo had Britain, in confequence of that change. The queftion was now, he acknowledged, totally altered; and what in one fituation would have been acting a wife part, would now be fupinenefs, negligence, or fomething worse. It was therefore, in his opinion, a very unfair way of arguing to ftate objections against the conduct of administration in the early stages of this business, which were only applicable to a state of hoftility and open rebellion. He appealed to the candour of the House, if any thing had been done in a corner. As to the measures that might have been adopted before he came into office, he did not look upon himself refponfible for them; but as for those in which he took an oftenfible and an active part, he wished his conduct might undergo the moft rigid enquiry and examination. If mifcarriages had 1776. PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY. had happened, it was no more than what was common. It was impoffible to foresee all the confequences, or provide against every accident that might arife. He protefted he did not feek for his office. He was at any time ready and willing to refign it, whenever a perfon more capable or fonder of power, fhould be found willing to fucceed him. He obferved that the honourable gentleman who made the motion, had charged administration with wickedness, ignorance, and neglect. He was certain the honourable gentleman was mistaken in the first, and the two latter remained yet to be proved. At half after two o'clock, the previous question was put, that "the queftion be now put," and the Houfe divided, ayes 104, noes 240. Whether the gentleman who made this motion, meant any more than to expofe the incapacity of his majesty's fervants, the diverfity of opinion which prevailed among them, and the manifeft imbecility of the noble lord who occupies the first refponfible office in the ftate, is not very clear; if thofe were his objects, he was certainly fuccefsful to the utmoft extent of his wishes, for the charges on those several heads were virtually fubftantiated, and made good by the manner they were defended. If on the other hand, this gentleman feriously expected to vote in a majority on this occafion, though we may allow him to be a great orator, we cannot avoid obferving, that he must have been a very flender politician; because, had the majority of the House went with him, they would not only have given up the minifter, but in fact have abandoned the meafures, which they had, at the rifque of a civil war in the firft infance, and a foreign war in poffibility, if not expectancy, fo readily adopted, and fo zealously fupported. We forbear to recapitulate the other, perhaps, more forcible reafons which induced the Houfe to over-rule the enquiry, being fuch, as from the firft foundation of civil government, have had a powerful influence on popular aflemblies. February 28. Petitions were this day prefented by Thomas Rumbold and Francis Sykes, Efqrs. praying the Houfe to refcind the refolution of the 295 14th inftant relative to a charge of fubornation of perjury, on the Shaftesbury election. A very warm debate enfued, in which administration and oppofition for a while changed fides, fome of the moft popular members in the Houfe having fpoke for the propriety of refcinding a vote which they faid was fo precipitately and unexpectedly propofed and agreed to in a thin Houfe, without proof or any fpecial legal evidence, fufficient to fatisfy or determine the House, either in its inquifitorial or judicial capacity; particularly when the fame contained a cenfure and conviction of fo weighty and grievous a nature. Some of the men of greatest authority in adminiftration,, though not occupying refponfible of fices, oppofed the motion for refcinding, as a matter unprecedented in the annals of Parliament. They obferved, the only refolution of the Houfe that was ever refcinded was that of ordering thanks of courfe to the Oxford Doctor, who preached the rank tory fermon, at St. Margaret's Church on the 30th of January, 1772, and even in that inftance the precedent did not come up to the prayer of the prefent petition, for the House were not defired to refcind a refolution of courfe paffed without further notice, but they were called upon to erafe from their journals, a refolution come to in a committee and agreed to by the Houfe after a full and elaborate difcuffion of its contents, and the caufes which induced the committee to frame the refolution. The question being put, the Houfe divided, ayes 143, noes 169. A motion was then made to appoint a committee to take the matter, and the proofs on which fuch charge was founded, into confideration. This produced another warm debate, in the courfe of which precifely the fame arguments recurred, for if the committee was intended to answer any purpofe, it must be to lay a foundation for refcinding the former refolution. The queftion about ten o'clock was put on this motion, and the Houfe divided, ayes 137, noes 142. The miniter was in the minority on both questions-there may appear fomething very myfterious in all this to people at a diftance from the fcene of action; 296 A Character The Priest and the Dancer. action; to them, therefore, we addrefs this fhort explanation. The minifter has been frequently under great obligations to a fet of men in the House of Commons, called Nabobs, or gentlemen who have acquired by the arts of peace, negociation, and actual hof tility, according as tempers prompted and occafions offered, immenfe fortunes in the East Indies. The minifter, on the other hand, has ftill greater obligations to another fet of men in this country, called the country gentlemen, who are at mortal enmity with thofe Nabobs, whom they look upon as bad neighbours, and danger ous intruders into their boroughs. ON ON June Thus matters ftood; the minifter voted with the Nabobs and the patriots; and the King's friends voted with the country gentlemen. A nice equili brium was kept, Sir Gilbert Elliot held the beam, and by a dexterity for which he is juftly famed, blew just as much breath as turned the fcale in favour of his friends; thus all parties, went home contented, but the patriots, who thought to make profelytes of the Nabobs, in which they were evidently difappointed; and the two culprits, who found themfelves facrificed to the cabals of ministers, and the tricks of office. DANCING. NE of the wifeft and greatest men this country ever produced was inclined to introduce dancing as an important article into the academic fyftem of education. I mean Lord Clarendon, who was as fenfible of its advantages, as Monf. Fuillet himself. It is, however, univerfally allowed, that there are periods of life which fhould naturally renounce the pleafures of the dance. What a ridicu lous extravagance would it appear in a grey-haired Alderman, fhould he defcribe a minuet, or fupply in a cotillon the place of a polished active youth! The numberlefs diftortions, which are fometimes forced into a wrinkled face by the louvre, feldom raife any degree of fatisfaction in the fpectator, oftener compaffion, always an inclination to laughter. The amufement of dancing, as the dalliance of love, is equally denied the gravity of advanced years. A love fong is as much expected as a jig, from a man of eighty. Infirmity fets each performance in a ridiculous light. Who could endure fpectacles at a dance, efpecially if blindness proceeds from age, when to trace the figure of the dance requires the fame irklome pains and poring diffrefs with the fmall character of a Perfian manufcript? The quality too of the dancer is of prime importance. From a want of due attention to this, many hideous mifalliances are often fafhioned, dig nity becomes frolickfome, and office is disfigured by an unfuitable gaiety. Let us, therefore, fuppofe an inftance, where the ftation of the dancer is ftrongly contrafted with the amusement itself. Were a Lord Chief Juftice, with the most finished graces of perfon, to measure a cotillon at Madam Cornelys's, who would not feel for the dancer? who could feparate the idea of magiftracy from his prefent fituation? Let us now drop fuppofition, and give an example of this ftrange contralt from an order of men, whofe duties are the most abhorrent from the pleasures of a dance. Ned Toupee is now turned of thirty; he had ever been admired for his walk in a minuet; indeed he fhone in every branch of the art faltatorial. The applaufe which he gained fo rooted his affections for dancing, that he purfued this favourite amusement as warmly after ordination as before. He is how fixt as curate in a genteel country parish; no private hop is without him, who, like the Salii at Rome, unites the holiness of worthip' with the merriment of the "fantaftic toe." He attends each monthly affembly in the next market town. I have known Ned, when he has juft buried a corpfe," in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye," poft to a ball, where he has been hotly engaged in ́ "merrily dance the quaker," while his clothes ftill retained the odours of a burial. His precepts have but little effect on his parishioners, who neceffarily jumble together the notions of the priest and the dancer. To 1776. 297. To the EDITOR of the LONDON MAGAZINE. SIR, THE THE collectors of the debates of the Commons have given us a curious lift of pensions and penfioners, and their characters, in the penfion parliament, from a fcarce tract publiked at the time, entitled, "A feafonable Argument to perfuade all the Grand Juries in England, to petition for a new Parliament; or, a Lift of the principal Labourers in the great Defign of Popery and arbitrary Power, &c. A reward of 200l. was offered by proclamation for difcovering the author. He gives an exact account of all the emoluments and advantages en joyed by above 200 members. His manner is whimfical enough, I will copy a few of his articles for the reader's amufement. Reading, Sir Francis Doleman has 2001. per annum penfion, and was affifted by the court in the cheating will, by which he got Quarles's eftate, valued at 1600l. Is now clerk of the council, worth 500l. per annum, and is promised to be secretary of state. Buckinghamfb. Sir Richard Temple, commillioner of the customs, worth 1200l. per annum. • Buckingh. town. Sir William Smith, as honest as Sir Richard. Cambridge town. William lord Allington, in debt very much, a court penfioner, and in hopes of a white taff. A cully. Chefbire. Thomas Cholmondely, promifed a great place at court. Not only deceived, but laughed at. Poor gentleman! • Cornwal. Sir Jonathan Trelawney, bart. one who is known to have fworn himself into 4000l. at least in his ac count of the prize-office. Controuler to the Duke, and has got, in gratuities, to the value of 10,000l. befides what he is promised for being an informer. Lanceflon. Sir Charles Harbord, furveyor-general. Has got 100,oool. of the king and kingdom. Was formerly a folicitor of Staples Inn, till his lewdnefs and poverty brought him to court. Devonsh. Sir Copelston Bampfield, June 1776. bart. much addicted to tippling, pre fented to the king by his pretended wife, Betty Roberts, in Pall-Mall. Honiton. Sir Peter Prideaux. Conftant court-dinners, and 300l. per ann. penfion. Weymouth. Sir Winston Churchil, now one of the clerks of the green cloth. Proferred his own daughter to the duke of York, and has got in boons 10,000l. Has published in print, that the king may raise money without parliament. Durham. John Tempeft, Esq. a papift, a penfioner, and a court dinner man. Has got a customer's [cuftom houfe officer's] place at Hull for his fon. Harwich. Thomas King, Efq. a penfioner for sol. a feffion, meat, drink, and now and then a fuit of clothes. Malden. Sir Richard Wifeman, 1000l. a year penfion, and keeper of one of the treaturer's public parlia mentary tables. "Winchefter. Sir Robert Holmes, first an Irish livery-boy; then a highwayman; now bashaw of the Ile of Wight. Got in boons, and by rapine, 100,000l. The curfed beginner of the two Dutch wars. Stockbridge. Sir Robert Howard, auditor of the receipts of the exchequer, 3000l. per annum. Many great places and boons he has had; but his wh-Uphil fpends all, and now refufes to marry him. Newton, in the Isle of Wight. Sir John Holmes, Sir Robert's brother, a cowardly, baffled fea-captain, twice boxed, and once whipped with a dogwhip, chofen in the night without the head-officer of the town, and but one burgels; yet voted, this laft felfion, well elected. Weobley. Sir Thomas Williams, king's chemift.-Has got 40,000l. by making provocatives for lechery, &c.' He concludes with an apology for undervaluations, or omiffions; and mentions, that the houfe was lately told by fome of their own members, That there were among them several * Deb. Com. v. Append. 15. Burgh's Polit. Difq. papists, 298 Character of Char. II. penfion Parliament. papifts, fifty out-laws, and penfioners without number.' Many of Charles II's long parliament were ruined in their fortunes, and lived upon their privileges and penfions. They had got it among them for a maxim, which contributed not a little to our prefervation, while we were in fuch hands, that, as they mufl not give the king too much at a time, left there fhould be no more ufe for them, fo they were to take care not to ftarve the court, left they themselves fhould be ftarved by that means ".' A list of the penfioners in Charles the Second's long parliament was extant, A. D. 1695. The fum of 252,4671. was given in bribes in lefs than three years; and others were hired with dinners by Coplefton, Wifeman, and others, who kept open houfe for the purpofe, when each worthy member found under his plate fuch a parcel of guineas as it was thought his day's work had merited t. The Houfe of Commons was then divided into two parties, that of the court, and that of the country. Of the court-party fome were engaged by offices, nay a few by bribes fecretly given them; a fcandalous practice, first begun by Clifford .' It was found, that in Charles Ild's next parliament after the long one, nine members had received, in bribes, 3,400l. and that the fum of 12,000l. had been given or lent to others §. Eighteen penfioners in parliament were difcovered, A. D. 1679; 2 at ocol. a year; 6 at 500l. 2 at 400l. 4 at 300l. 4 at 200l. befides 9 others, who had received different fums of the villainous king. These were not only to vote with the court themfelves, but to use all their intereft. This was mere petty larceny compared with the whole fale dealings of modern times . A. D. 1698, the following remarkable paragraphs apppeared in the famous Hub Money Paper, as it was called, published by John Lawten, Efq. June 'Two hundred thousand pounds a year beftowed upon the parliament has already drawn out of the fubjects pockets more millions than all our kings fince the Conqueft have ever had from this nation. And that this should be done without any rude complaint, is a proof, that if a king can manage well Mr. Guy's office, he may, without much ado, fet up for abfolute. Venalis eft Anglia, for Venale eff Parliamentum. Heretofore, inde-d, it was neceflary only that they fhould give reafonably, as Flamock's rebellion, and others in Henry VIIth's reign witnefs; and I believe our rolls will not furnith us with many feffions, wherein money was given, and no one country bill granted. But our anceftors were wife enough to inftru&t their members, and our conftitution fo regular that we had frequent elections. The houfe is now fo officered, that by thofe who have places and penfions, together with their fons, brothers, and kinfmen, and thofe who are fed with the hopes of preferment, and the too great influence these have upon fome honest mistaken country gentlemen (who are poffibly over frighted with the French) the king can baffle any bill, quafh all grievances, ftifle accounts, and ratify the articles of Limerick. When I find the money the nation gives to defend cur liberties from foreigners abroad, is like to undermine them at home, in a word, when I fee neither the one nor the other house can withftand the power of gold; I fay, when I perceive all this, it is time to give warning, it is time to look about us. If the members of parliament are to overlook all the ill husbandry of the government, that they may fhare in the profufenefs and bribery of it; if our rights are to be fet to fale by fome and neglected by others, when the very being of the government depends upon our being fatisfied, what amendment, what confirmation fhall we have of our conftitution, when all our dangers are over? This is a thought which deferves our most ferious * Burnet's Hiftory of his own Times, 1. 545. + Pref. to Colie. Deb. Parl. 1694 5. State Tracts, time of king William, 11. 475 t Hume's Hift. Stuarts, 11. 254. Ibid. 302. Rapin. 11. 797. |