distrusted, and now loathed by the country, and it causes it to be generally believed that the Conservatives are as much disposed to support the despotism of Whiggery and the democracy of Radicalism, as were any of the members of Lord Melbourne's Cabinet.

On the whole, however, the late Session was not justly liable to the epithet of "The do-nothing Session," which has been attempted to be stamped upon it. Undoubtedly, as we have seen, the nature of the opposition to some of the Government measures was such as to render their adoption impossible without resorting to intimidation; and as the Cabinet of Sir Robert Peel is constitutional and legal, it would not think of availing itself of such aid; but, on the whole, it was very far indeed from being an useless Session, and the results may show that it was, on the contrary, one of great utility.

What, then, are our NATIONAL PROSPECTS? The Queen, redolent of health, activity, and grace-full of domestic love, happiness, and peace-has of late paid a visit of amity and good neighbourhood to the truly Conservative, able, and enlightened monarch of France. That this was no visit of ceremony, no homage paid to the revolution, no denial of our national policy of observation with regard to the country over which that monarch rules, we need not explain or enforce. Her Majesty Victoria had shown, on all occasions, such sisterly affection and kindness to the children, both married and unmarried, of Louis Philippe, that she had won his heart by her conduct towards them; and nothing could be more cordial or sincere than the whole of his Majesty's proceedings during her short and welcome visit. But will that visit lead to the removal of the restrictions on our linen and thread trade with France? Will it facilitate our exportation of coal and iron in large quantities to that country? Will it conduct us to the conclusion of that commercial treaty which Dr. Bowring was engaged in negotiating seven years, but at last failed in obtaining? We would desire to look at the bright side of every question where truth and facts are not opposed to that view; but we cannot conceal from ourselves that the French Government has by no means a tractable Chamber to govern-that the French press is as violently opposed as ever to the English alliance-that the Chamber of Deputies was not long since officially assured by M. Guizot that the commercial treaty with this country should be entered into without its assent: and that assent to a beneficial treaty, we fear, cannot be looked for.

With regard to PORTUGAL, and the long-pending treaty of commerce between it and Great Britain, we are assured that the

celebrated negotiator for all parties, the Portuguese Talleyrand, but without his vices, the Duke de Palmella, has arrived in this country charged to terminate the negotiation in question. We trust this will be the case, and that Portugal will once more feel towards us that we stand in relation to it almost as a parent to a child. But, on the other hand, we cannot close our eyes to the fact, that the sister of Donna Maria, the Queen of Portugal, is now related, by her marriage with the Prince de Joinville, with the royal family of France; and that the son-in-law of Louis Philippe, Leopold, King of the Belgians, is also the near relative of Donna Maria's consort. It is not then, we think, either unfair or hypercritical, it is not distrustful or unnecessarily suspicious on our parts, when we add, that we do not feel by any means certain that the Duke de Palmella will be disposed to satisfy us with such a treaty as we should desire.

With his Majesty the King of Hanover a treaty has also been for some time negotiating, relative to the Sound duties. That monarch has recently visited this country for the space of three months. His reception by all the higher classes was such as might have been anticipated; and he is said to have returned to the kingdom over which he rules rather with tendencies to abdicate in favour of his son, and to spend the remainder of his days in England, in consequence of the great confidence in, and kindness towards him, here everywhere displayed. The treaty will probably be soon concluded.

With regard to EUROPE generally we have no interests at stake of any pressing urgency, or in any imminent peril, at the present moment. The affairs of SERVIA must, for the present, be considered as settled. BELGIUM and HOLLAND are quiet. RUSSIA has just been gratified at the turn which affairs have taken in Servia. There have been some disturbances in ITALY, but Austria is always ready with her legions to repress partial insurrections. In SWITZERLAND there has been some agitation. The KING OF PRUSSIA's visit to England has certainly tended to increase his affection for this country and its Conservative Government. We hear no more of the PORTE for the present; and the Viceroy of Egypt, if he is intriguing against his Sultan and master, is doing so very quietly. In SPAIN, indeed, we have lost a fast and true friend, by the abdication of the Regent, and French manufactures will be benefitted, and English injured, by the change. Of this there can be no doubt; but in the present distracted state of affairs in that country the issue must remain doubtful. It is by no means impossible that the principles of the Regent's Government may yet be triumphant. As to AMERICA, the Oregon question remains in statu quo, and our

commercial relations are somewhat improved. As far, then, as our Foreign relations are concerned, especially with regard to China and India, our condition is ameliorated, and our prospects, on the whole, are satisfactory.

With regard to the DOMESTIC PROSPECTS and policy of the country, we cannot be expected to adduce new facts, or pronounce any novel opinions. It is, we think, incontestible, that the manufactories, commerce, and trade of the country are somewhat improved; and it is still more certain, that the Almighty Giver of all good gifts has blessed us with a rich and abundant harvest.

'

"The seed (says the author of Thoughts on Traits of the Ministerial Policy') has been sown for general improvement. We are not yet thriving, but our people, from descending, are beginning to rise. There be hope and promise in the times. The change is no longer from bad to worse, but, to the measure of its extent, from worse to better; and this from a predicament which was denounced as desperate. With practical truths like these before us, I cannot avoid the conclusion, that if not thwarted by baneful agitation, by puerile panic, and by the tactics of factious opposition, the ultimate recovery of our country's prosperity may be rationally anticipated, under councils which have already solved the great political problem-which have accomplished the grand decisive result of halting in the eddying career of ruin, and moving up, against the downward current of adverse circumstances, a step towards the retrieval of our fortunes. I do, therefore, feel that the social and physical happiness of the landed class, of the mercantile class, of the working people, and of every great component section of our mighty multifarious community, is most profoundly concerned in the maintenance of the present ministers; and for these reasons, as a Christian and honest man, I feel imperatively called on to give them my thankful support."

We cannot go the full length of praise of our contemporary the Quarterly Review. We think the sharp-sighted editor of Fraser's Magazine has ascribed the failures which have taken place, in some measures, too much to "the coldness and the reserve of the Ministers," and too little to the unparliamentary conduct of the Opposition. We agree with him on the Repeal question, that the first thing to do is to enforce obedience to the laws; but we think he keeps out of mind the fact, that destitution is the cause, not the result, of disturbance. We agree with the Dublin University Magazine, that a good understanding between the landed aristocracy of Ireland and the British Government may enable a wise statesman to procure that deference for British law in Ireland which has been already achieved in India, and which was once, at a time of much peril, won for the aristocracy of ancient Rome; when,, as the historian observes, "Nec

quisquam unus malis artibus postea tam popularis esset, quam tum bene imperando universus senatus fecit.'

And for these reasons we rejoice to believe and feel, that whilst many clouds, thick and impervious, yet hang over us as a country, still that a small bright cloud appears in the horizonsmall indeed it is true, but still perceptible-and that that cloud shall extend until it shall cover with its brightness the whole universe. Our prospects are IMPROVING !!

Ecclesiastical Report.

ANOTHER Session is now closed, and parties are enquiring what has been done by the Conservative Government? The Whigs are asking this question, and answering it after their own fashion, alleging that nothing has been done. There are also Conservatives who are too ready to join in the same cry, though for different reasons. The latter, of course, could not be satisfied with measures which would be acceptable to the former. The Whigs, however, are glad to chime in with any party against Sir Robert Peel's Government; though were they and the dissatisfied Conservatives, who are extremely few in number, to meet together to settle what ought to have been done, they would not be agreed upon a single point, for the measures of the one party would be condemned by the other. The cause of dissatisfaction is different in the one case from the other, though the Whigs are making good use of the fact, with a view to damage the Government. That the Whigs expect any benefit to accrue to themselves from the dissatisfaction expressed by a small section of the Conservative body, we do not for one moment believe; for they are well aware that, on any important question, the very men who are somewhat dissatisfied would rally round Sir Robert Peel, knowing that no greater calamity could happen to the country than a Whig Government. Our readers are aware that the Conservative section to which we allude have given expression to their dissatisfaction on two grounds especially, namely, the conduct of the Government with respect to Ireland, and with respect to the Church. With regard to the first, we are quite willing to leave the question to the decision of her Majesty's Ministers, feeling the fullest confidence in their ability and their integrity, and knowing that they are in a position to form a better judgment on the subject than those who complain of their want of decision and their dilatoriness. But

with respect to the other ground, the Church, we have a few words to offer. We shall, therefore, venture certain remarks

ON THE PROSPECTS OF THE CHURCH.

The Church, in our opinion, has gone on prosperously ever since the accession of the Whigs to power in 1830. To the Whigs, however, no sort of credit is due, for they were guilty of a series of "heavy blows and great discouragements;" and they contemplated a great many more, only they were warded off by the friends of the Church, who, though the Whigs were superior in numbers in the House of Commons, were stronger than their opponents in the House of Lords and in the country. Though oppressed by the rulers of the State, still the Church flourished. The truth is, the people of the land were aroused. The Whigs imagined that the mass of the population were against the Church, and that the time was come for any changes, however destructive in their character. In this supposition the Ministers of that day were mistaken; and they found that many persons who were ready to unite with them in the Reform Bill, viewing that measure as final, were not willing to touch the Church. Nay, the Church was the rock on which the Ministry of Lord Grey, or what may be termed the Reform Ministry, was wrecked. An attempt was made to touch the Church, and the Ministry was broken up, because the honest members of it, who had regarded the Reform Bill as quite sufficient, without further and greater innovations, would not unite in a measure which their own consciences condemned, and which must have paved the way for such radical changes as would not only have destroyed the Church, but also endangered the Constitution. During the domination of the Whigs, therefore, though their efforts were unceasingly directed towards weakening the Church, or levelling it to the standard or footing of Dissent, the Church continued to gain ground in the country at large. The very measures adopted by the Whigs respecting the Church proved their own ruin. They opened the eyes of the people to their ulterior object; and thus many forsook their ranks and marshalled themselves under the banners of Conservatism, in defence of the ecclesiastical institutions which have been handed down to us by our ancestors. Had the Whigs foreseen the consequences of their own measures, they would, for a time at least, have left the Church untouched. Their success in the matter of the Reform Bill so blinded their eyes, that they imagined themselves competent to the work of reforming the Church. Soon did they find out their mistake; but it was too late to recover themselves, for the eyes of the nation were opened, and