as not correct theological expressions. And thus they remind us of the loose phraseology which continually occurs in the writings of that class of divines who are regarded as pre-eminently spiritual. The Calvinistic divines almost invariably confound the purpose and the acts of God; and where a thing has been purposed from all eternity, they speak of it as if actually done from all eternity-done before the existence of the things on account of which, and by means of which alone, the thing can be done. "The Lamb slain before the foundation of the world" is a very common expression in their writings; but they might as well speak of the incarnation as from all eternity, or the crucifixion; and then, in all consistency, discover an eternal tree for the cross, and Jews and Romans for the executioners, from all eternity. The fact is, that the expression, though so common, is a blunder, from misunderstanding a passage in the Apocalypse, which two other passages in the same book ought to have freed from ambiguity. For "the Lamb's book of life" is mentioned xxi. 27, and "the book of life from the foundation of the world" is also mentioned xvii. 8; therefore written, in the book of life of the Lamb slaiu, from the foundation of the world," should be thus pointed in xiii. 8; or it might be read, "written from the foundation of the world, in the book of life of the slain Lamb"-that is, the Lamb which had been slain when the vision was seen--the lion of the tribe of Judah (v. 7). But this is not the only inaccuracy. The Lamb of Atonement" is not a correct form of expression. Words are never used at random either in the Old Testament or the New ; and the word "atonement" is of very special signification—is not applied generally and to the whole work of redemption, like the symbol of the lamb; and when that special act of atonement is spoken of, it is in connexion with the blood of bulls and of goats, and not with the blood of the lamb. Such is the precision observed in Scripture in the use both of words and symbols. The special and true Christian signification of the word "atonement" is brought out by the application of it in St. Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews-not to the whole work of Christ, but to that one act which he performed, when, having risen from the dead, and ascended into heaven, he presented the blood of atonement before the Father's throne; an act which certainly presupposes a work done upon earth, and presupposes the death upon the cross, but is distinct from either, since it is ever transacting in heaven, and a continuous act, and is performed by a living high priest, who ever maketh intercession for us, and in the presentation of whose blood we have continual acceptance before the Father. Redemption was the work completed on the cross; the price was then paid, of death for deserved death. Atonement was made by entering heaven, where the reconciliation was completed, by the Father's acceptance of the satisfaction made through the Son; and from this throne of reconciliation, this mercy-seat, the Holy Ghost is given, to empower us, though on the earth, to lay hold on that salvation which has been wrought out for us in the heavens, and to bring forth corresponding fruits of the faith by patient continuance in well doing, and all holiness of life. of In mentioning this, we do not mean to imply that Mr. Garbett's doctrines are erroneous, but only that the expressions are loose. And therefore we have taken at random the first expressions which occurred. Mr. Garbett has taken the true way becoming sound, and remaining sound in doctrine, by casting himself, heartily, honestly, and confidently, into unreserved communion with the household of faith-with that Church to which he owes his spiritual being, and to which he has vowed spiritual allegiance and filial reverence. "But then, if the ground which we select for our defence be the doctrines of the Church of England, as defined in her authoritative formularies, we must be prepared for all the consequences of such a position. We have no right to quote her on certain points which we account fundamental, and then refuse to admit her voice on other subjects upon which she has spoken with the same distinctness and authority." (xvii.) Taking the Church of England for his guide, Mr. Garbett has put the sacraments and ceremonies in their right places, and has well shown, in his third Lecture, the danger of a worship consisting of symbols, as necessarily tending to deaden and materialize worship in the great majority of mankind; and with the few in whom they have not this effect, becoming still more pernicious-fostering a superstitious tendency into a gross and abject idolatry, and turning aside from God and heavenly realities those of devout imaginations who are prone to luxuriate in sensuous forms. And he truly observes, that in the Christian Church we have only one divine symbol, to which man cannot add another. That in the Lord's Supper : "The essential portion of the rite, and its only outward sign, with one specific meaning, came from the hands of its divine Institutor; and it is of no human original-it forms, along with the initiatory sacrament, the only external ceremony attached to the spiritual and universal system which he bequeathed to the keeping of his Church. Standing, as they do, thus alone in character, and peculiar in sanctity, anything which shall not only draw our attention from them, but even divide it with them, is an encroachment upon their proper prominence, and an actual violation of our Lord's intentions." ({. 816), And if we have seemed, in the course of our remarks on these Lectures, to have been rather free in our objections, and rather sparing in our praise, we would guard against mistake by saying that it has not arisen from our having found less to praise than to censure in these volumes, but from our desire to point out the few things which we think require qualification, that we might then give to the whole of the remainder unqualified praise. We think that these Lectures fully sustain the reputation which has been gained by the long and brilliant train of preceding lecturers. All the chief points in the present controversy are examined, and in the last Lecture the ecclesiastical origin of the controversy, and its probable issues for good or for evil, are very fully and very impartially discussed. Mr. Garbett asserts, and we think justly asserts, that no movement of the kind has met with even a temporary success, except in proportion as it has sprung from real wants in the Church, which men thus irregularly and impatiently endeavour to supply. And if the Church manifests impatience on her part, and, instead of enquiring what the wants are, how far they are legitimate, and how they may be regularly supplied, she proceeds rashly to cast out the leaders of the movement, she deprives herself of men who would, by forbearance, become a blessing and strength, by their raising the tone and standard of the whole Church through remaining in communion, instead of weakening and dividing it by separation and hostility. In consistency with this, Mr. Garbett deprecates the adoption of strong measures towards the leaders of the present movement, and also the calling on the Church for an immediate decision of the points of doctrinewhether by Convocation, or in any other way. "In delaying the period when the system in question shall have a fair field open to it, I cannot but express the opinion that the control of the State has been the safety of the Church; and though I am aware that the avowal may be an unpopular one with many whom I greatly respect, I think it is so still. Twice during the last thirty or forty years any such Convocation as should truly have represented the sentiments of the Church, would have rent it asunder-first, the Evangelical clergy would have suffered a signal condemnation, and a year ago the Tractarian divines would have been visited with a similar fate...... It may be difficult to say how soon we shall be ripe for a fuller liberty of action: but at present it would be a liberty, too probably, to be used for self-destruction...... At all events, may God reconcile us one to another, and heal our crying dissensions, before this wholesome check (of the State) is removed! No man can foresee the consequences of such an irrevocable step, either to the nation or to the Church." (Preface, p. xvi.) We feel the force of these wise admonitions, and hope that the time is not yet passed for the exercise of patience and forbearance. And most assuredly our experience of what has been done by the Convocation of the Church of Scotland, in the acts of its General Assembly, is anything rather than encouraging to our trying a similar experiment in the Church of England. We may flatter ourselves with the notion that the rulers and clergy of the Church of England would show more wisdom and forbearance than the Edinburgh Assembly; and this might be the case if we were sure that they would be left to themselves. But " pressure from without" is the order of the day at present; and once bring a body together, and invest them with sufficient power, and they may be forced by others to use the power for purposes from which they would have revolted under other circumstances. We are sure that a Convocation is a right thing; we are sure that it is greatly needed; but the time for its assembling involves many considerations, and requires the exercise of the greatest wisdom. LIBRARY ART. XI.-Speech of Lord Stanley on the Canadian Wheat and Flour Bill. Published by Authority. London: Painter. 2. A Letter to the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel on the Condition of England, and the means of removing the Causes of the Distress. By R. TORRENS, Esq., F.R.S. 3. Some of the Difficulties of Ireland in the way of an improving Government stated. By a CLERGYMAN of the Archdiocese of Canterbury. London: Ollivier, Pall-mall. 4. The Speech of the Right Hon. Lord Ashley, M.P., on the Suppression of the Opium Trade. London: Houlston and Stoneman. 5. Taxation, in its Operation, by means of the Income and Assessed Taxes, considered. By WILLIAM MAKEPEACE. London: Painter. 6. Protection of Labour and Destiny. By R. GALE. Land closely allied with Britain's 7. The Perils of the Nation; an Appeal to the Legislature, the Clergy, and the Higher and Middle Classes. London: Seeley, Burnside, and Seeley. A FEARFUL spirit of reckless and lawless rebellion has once more displayed itself in Ireland. The drapeau has inscribed on it "REPEAL THE UNION:" it is carried from city to city, and from town to town, by the most unprincipled demagogue mankind have ever gazed upon; and hundreds of thousands of shoeless, coatless, and unhappily almost of breadless peasants, rush to the standard of revolt by the direction of an inveterate, bitter, and persecuting priesthood. The multitude are ignorant, dissatisfied, miserable, and superstitious; they are kept in ignorance by their clergy; they are dissatisfied, because they are poor, dirty, diseased, indolent, and starving; they are miserable, because their priests will that they should be so; and they are superstitious, because they are taught so to be. But more than this: they are prepared to risk their lives for their errors; they are infatuated almost to imbecility; they have received and believe in their consciences a lie, and that lie is, that their miseries are to be traced to their connexion with "the Saxons" and headlong they are willing to rush to ruin and to death! One of their tribunes, the Nation, has given vent in the following terms to the hate and vengeance of the Repealers. It is a melancholy specimen of fraud and misrepresentation, of passion and of insolence, of ingratitude and of insanity; but it effects the object which those persons have in view who throw firebrands into honest men's houses, and who seek to involve all classes in the horrors of a general conflagration: "The Irish peasantry (says the Nation) have long looked on the law as a common enemy. It was made by aliens, and administered by foes. To dismiss, or drive by tyranny from the bench the few magistrates whose character made law respected, seems a poor preparation for dark days, when some other influence than that of us journalists (the tribunes of the people) might be needed to hold the people in. There is content in seeing a Ministry, instead of pursuing the alarming policy of partial concession and division, spending their energies in oiling the castle gates, sending 25,000 stand of arms to Ireland, with a fleet, and a lot of amphibious combatants called marines. There is hope, too, from England. The English democracy are not prepared to sacrifice principle and their own freedom to a poor vengeance on Ireland. There is joy in the increasing fervour of France for our cause -in the universal attention of Europe; and much joy in the businesslike and grave position now taken by the American Repealers, who have given their own strong notions about liberating us! But, above all, there is pride and trust in Ireland. In Cork, in North and South Tipperary, and in Longford, some hundreds of thousands have met in order, and separated in order.' Aye, Mr. Shaw, and when next you harangue, state to the Saxon senate the fact, as well as our advice. They these myriads of strong, brave, and enthusiastic men-marched, headed by their noble bands-marched, like intelligent and prepared men, to their rendezvous. They marched in silence, without mob shout, or loose walking, or any disorder; they marched and stood in sun and rain; some stern cheers they gave when their leader praised their country and defied her foes; they gave their contributions (the sinews of war); they agreed to their loyal! petitions for the great charter of neutrality, and they dispersed at the wave of a hand, calmly, rapidly, and in order. Let the people continue thus labouring, contributing, organizing. Let no man be content while there is in his |