by increasing expansion, causing that widening in their course which might account for the appearance of umbræ and penumbræ. Mr. Dawes states, in confirmation of a similar hypothesis, that the inner edges of the umbræ and penumbræ appear to be massed and tilted up, as if by the action of elastic gas in escaping from the interior.

A fourth hypothesis, accepted by many eminent physicists, seeks at once to account for the spots and to explain the genesis of solar heat-the latter a hitherto unsolved or rather unattempted problem.

Of the existence of countless meteoric stones revolving round the sun, even at a distance of more than ninety millions of miles, we have ample evidence in their periodic appearance in the middle of August and of November, when the path of the earth traverses their belt. Now, it is supposed that such meteorolites, near the sun, within and constituting the "zodiacal light," are continually getting entangled in their perihelion passage in the solar atmosphere; and that thus being "licked up" by the central attraction out of their elliptical paths, they form sun-spots during one or two revolutions, to be finally swallowed up by the all-devouring orb.

It is further alleged, consistently with known physical laws, that the light and heat of the sun are maintained by and dependent upon this continual incidence of immense masses of meteoric matter.

Neither our space nor present purpose allows us to discuss the merits of this bold and comprehensive theory, further than, in passing, to satisfy the reader of its feasibility. We find that the spots are confined to the sun's equatorial zone, around which alone meteoric matter revolves in variously inclined planes; their motions, too, are various, and their prevalence periodic, and both these facts are accounted for by this theory. It has likewise been shown by Father Secchi, of Rome, one of the most eminent

cultivators of experimental physics, that the emission of heat is greater from the equatorial belt than from the other parts of the sun's surface; and it has been found that, on an average, those years are the warmest in which a great number of sun-spots are observed. Nor need it be regarded as inconsistent with the nature of things that even among planets the higher forms of development should be maintained by the destruction of the lower, for the life and growth of every system involves the decay and change of individual forms.

Others, again, consider sun-spots to be analogous to our whirlwinds and cyclonic storms, and allege that, in looking at them, we look down into their rarefied central vortices, which, widening upwards towards the surface of the solar atmosphere, present the appearance of cavities. Sir William Herschel, in 1801, accounted for the distinctness with which the umbræ and penumbræ are separated by supposing that in these we see the rupture of successive strata differing in their densities. Whatever may be the character of such interior envelopes, Arago has satisfactorily proved that the outer photosphere is composed of inflamed gas; for he found that the rays from the sun's edge, which leave it at a small angle, are not polarized, as would be the case if they proceeded from either solid or liquid surfaces; whereas the light from inflamed gas is always in a natural condition at all angles of emission.

With regard to the direction and rate of motion of solar spots, it has been found that they move from west to east in conformity with the direction of the planets, and that the sun's equatorial plane thus indicated is inclined at an angle of seven degrees nine minutes to that of the ecliptic.

Owing to certain proper motions among themselves, the time of revolution of different spots is subject to slight variations; yet we may fairly infer that the sun revolves on its own

axis in 25/3 days. Galileo, in 1612, found that a certain spot returned in 28 days; Fabricius, in his Dialogus, gives 271⁄2 days; and Scheiner, in 1630, estimated the period at 27 days. These are rough observations, so we may allow two days for the earth's progress in the same direction as the spots during their revolution, and regard these three observations as giving respectively 26, 25%, and 25 days as the sidereal period of the sun's revolution. The following are periods of revolution assigned by eminent astronomers, that have been carefully deduced from numerous observations: Lalande gives 25.42 days; Delambre, 25.01; Cassini, 25.59; Boehm, 25.32; Laugier, 25.34.

Spots are seldom seen at the sun's equator, and never in the circumpolar regions; they usually occupy belts in each hemisphere between the parallels of ten degrees and twenty degrees of heliographical latitude. Mr. Carrington, who recently published elaborate results of eleven years' observations, has shown that the spots near the equator revolve in a shorter time than those of higher latitudes, and that this retardation of angular motion is subject to a law more or less definite. His formula gives 24.98 days as the sidereal period of rotation at the sun's equator, and 26.57 days at latitude thirty degrees, beyond which very few spots have been noticed in either hemisphere. Sir John Herschel considers it reasonable to suppose that the body of the sun rotates with a velocity equal to that of its photosphere at the equator, that is, in 25 days, and that the different rates of movement thus indicated in different regions of the solar atmosphere, to gether with known differences in temperature, are results from that general state of disturbance indicated by the proper motions of the spots and other phenomena. The same philosopher attributes the differences in the periods of the spots, and of

the same spot in successive transits, to the different velocity of rotation proper to higher latitudes, and to the effects of the proper motion of a spot in altering its latitude. Thus, he says, the fact that a spot in 1857 was observed to revolve four times in periods of 25.46, 25.67, 25.83, and 26.23 days, is to be explained by the force of its proper motion driving it into higher latitudes.

Some of the most interesting facts regarding sun-spots relate to the periodicity of their prevalence. The region of spots is at times speckled all over for two or three days continuously; in other years, no spots are to be seen for many days.

Again, the degree of maxima and minima variations is subject to a marked increase at periods of fiftysix years a fluctuation undoubtedly due, as Mr. Carrington suggests, to the action of the planets in certain positions, especially of Jupiter, on that belt of matter called the zodiacal light; and it is indeed to be regretted that the proposal of Major Jacob, to establish an observatory at Purandhur, in India, for simultaneous observations of sun-spots and the zodiacal light, has never been carried out. It was observed, and, we think, demonstrated, by General Sabine, that the fluctuations, in corresponding periods, of the amount of variation of the earth's magnetism are at least due to the same causes which produce the double variation we have mentioned in sun-spottedness.

Those induced currents of electricity in the upper and rarer strata of the atmosphere that are known. as aurora, have long been known to accompany certain earth-currents affecting our telegraphy, and certain states of the weather affecting our most intimate every-day interests; and it is a most remarkable fact that the numbers of aurora and of sunspots increase and diminish together.

But, before accepting as a fixed result in this splendid field of inquiry that the sun's influence is main

tained and regulated by the waste and wear of that planetary system which it appears to sustain, we must await further research to trace more clearly the coördinate changes of the earth and sun, and be satisfied the

while that thus, and through many other unthought-of media, is our present condition governed by influences which involve our destiny, and life and death perpetually harmonized.

THE fires at Brooklyn and at Holyoke, with their fatal effects, and the numerous calamities only just averted by some lucky accident or the presence of mind of some person less nervous than the rest, has caused the Committee of the New York Board of Fire Underwriters to adopt the following resolutions:

"Resolved, That in the judgment of this committee the danger from fire in churches is becoming alarming by reason of the common use of scenery, elaborate decorations, and illuminations in church entertainments. "Resolved, That we caution the officers of churches against the danger of vitiating their insurance by the introduction of hazards not contemplated by underwriters in the insurance of churches.

"Resolved, That we recommend making the following indorsement on policies insuring churches: It is understood and agreed, and is a warranty on the part of the assured, that no gathering shall be permitted in above insured building requiring the use of scenery or colored fires, and it is also understood and agreed that no decoration shall be placed nearer than one foot of an uncovered light.'

We rejoice to see that some of the bishops have condemned the use of cheap and inflammable veils, draperies, and tinsel paper in too great abundance, and that there is an extensive alteration of church doors so that they can open outwards. Such precautions are called for by every consideration of prudence and humanity, and should be adopted without the slightest delay. Any moment the community may be startled from its propriety by some fearful calamity similar to that at Santiago, in Chili, some years ago.

THE statues of Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, and Archbishop Carroll, have arrived at Philadelphia to adorn the Centennial Fountain in Fairmount Park. That of Commodore Barry arrived and was placed in position last July, and when the large statue of Moses, which will be in the centre, arrives, and that of Father Mathew, the memorial of

the great American Catholic patriots of the Revolution will be complete. The erection of this fountain was proposed by the Philadelphia Catholic Total Abstinence Union, which has borne most of the expense of its erection. When completed it will have cost $53,000, and will certainly be one of the handsomest, if not the handsomest, in the country. Considerable differences have existed among Catholics in regard to the propriety and expediency of this monument, and some have considered that a protectory have been more suitable. or some institution of practical charity would But the fountain has now gone so far that its completion is a matter of necessity, and as it is intended to honor the Catholic patriots and the temperance men of other States, and of Maryland the whole burden should not be left for in particular, it does certainly seem fair that donations from wealthy Catholics would be Philadelphia to shoulder. A few generous

a great aid.

THE Treasurer of the Catholic Indian Mission Fund, Very Rev. J. B. A. Brouillet, has sent in his report, which embraces four years, from July, 1873, to December 1st, 1876. It states that the Ladies' Catholic Indian Missionary Association, founded October 28th, 1875, has been of essential aid. During one year this Association and its branches have raised $8,605.49. The report says: "A reference to the annual appropriations made by Congress for the support of schools at Catholic agencies, shows that for the year 1873 and for preceding years, eight thousand dollars was the highest aggregate sum thus given to such schools. By our personal efforts the appropriations for 1874, 75, and 76 have been increased from eight to fifteen thousand dollars per annum, making an annual aggregate gain of seven thousand dollars, or a total gain of twenty-one thousand dol lars during the three years; all of which is unquestionably due mainly to the efforts of this Bureau. By means of these enlarged appropriations, and a timely assistance from our Mission Fund, we have been enabled to

open six new Indian Manual Labor Boarding Schools and several Day Schools, and to establish two very important and promising new Missions."

THE position of Catholics in British America is, for some reason or another, better than in this country. The system of education is better, Catholics are more frequently elected to offices of trust and honor, and fill them more creditably, and the influence of Catholics in politics and in society is greater. For example, the Mayor of Quebec is a Catholic, so also is the Mayor of Montreal. Of the

three members that Montreal sends to the Dominion Parliament two are Catholics.

The Mayor of Ottawa, the capital of the Dominion, is also a Catholic, and so is its member. The Secretary of State and the Speaker of the House of Commons, and many of the Ministers are Catholics; and the Canadian Commission to the Philadelphia Exhibition consisted of four gentlemen, two of whom were Catholics.

By common consent it is agreed that the people of the United States are suffering from some very grievous evils. The tone of political morality is confessedly low, crimes of startling magnitude occur with unpleasant frequency; defalcations and breaches of trust are constantly committed by the most educated persons; our divorce courts are very busy, and our Indian policy is a failure because we cannot find honest men to carry it out. Stock gambling abounds, capitalists form rings for the purpose of securing exorbitant profits, immense numbers of working people are starving, and Communism raises its head in Chicago and New York; while both our great political parties are unable or unwilling to apply suitable remedies to change this condition of things.

But stop a minute-we are wrong. On the contrary, both parties have come to an agreement on this subject, and "when they do agree, their unanimity is wonderful." They both agree that there must be no religion in the schools. They are both heartily of opinion that the boys and girls who will be mothers and fathers in the future, must

receive no religious instruction, except they pick it up by accident. That is the sovereign panacea for our national ills, the remedy that will cure the diseases of the body politic. They seem to act on the supposition that the less people remember their Creator the better citizens they will be! 'Tis true that history never shows us any people without some religion. 'Tis true that a corrupt people like the Romans under the Empire, or like the Hindoos of all ages, are always found to be slaves. 'Tis true that every great and noble deed has been inspired by religion, and that

every heroic and free people have always been religious in some shape or form. All this is true; but they say, in effect, perish the teachings of history, experience, and common sense, and let the nation go to ruin, so that we only save the children from being taught any dogma. For, even if the Catholics can train good citizens in their schools, which is admitted, they will believe in the Pope, in the Blessed Virgin, and in the Sacraments, and will go to confession, and these things are "sectarian" in the eyes of modern legislators. They think that faith is the "fly in the pot of ointment," and that even a very little of it vitiates the best education. So on no account will they aid Catholics to make good citizens, else these citizens will go to mass on Sundays, and to their duties once a month.

THE electoral bill, which was "rushed"

through the Senate and the House so quickly and received the President's assent, is an attempt to meet the difficulty and calamity of a disputed presidential succession. It provides for the selection of five members of the Senate, five of the House, and four judges of the Supreme Court, who will select a fifth. To this joint commission and tribunal are to be referred all the questions that have arisen, and its decision is final.

The wisdom of this measure, and its convenience for meeting the present difficulty, has caused it to be hailed with approval by the candid men of all parties, and even extreme partisans have received it with cordiality, and have expressed themselves willing to abide by its decisions.

To parade on St. Patrick's Day or not, that is the question. A summary of the arguments for and against the parade may be interesting. On the one side it is said that parades show the strength of the Irish

element in America; that they keep alive the memory of Ireland and her nationality when it would otherwise be forgotten; that the 17th of March is the only distinctively national holiday of the Irish people, and should be publicly honored by them as the 4th of it entails can be easily borne; that the Irish July is by Americans; that such expense as like a little excitement once a year, and that it is the custom, and has been for many

years.

THE Conference at Constantinople has broken up, the ambassadors have gone home, and Europe waits to see what Russia will do. That power, or rather the Czar and his advisers, seem a little uncertain, and not quite so bellicose as they were some time ago. The ominous spectre of socialism and com

munism terrifies them, and mutterings of discontent in Poland serve to remind the Czar that he, too, has a Bulgaria in that country.

WHETHER the clergy should take an active part in politics is a question by no means so simple as it appears to be to some. Few, we believe, would wish to see the clergy in the United States enter actively the political arena; but it by no means follows that in France or in Ireland they should not do so. O'Connell was greatly aided by the Catholic clergy of Ireland; and the friends of order in France have frequently found the clergy their best and most valuable allies. Three bishops appeared lately on a platform in Sligo to support the candidature of a patriotic Irishman from that county.

Great services

were rendered to our government during the civil war by Archbishop Hughes and Bishop Domenec. Supposing a case should arise in which some anti-Catholic measure would be proposed, such as one involving the confiscation or supervision of church property, it would be perfectly right for the clergy judiciously to oppose it. "No priests in politics" is a catchword, like "politics and religion have nothing to do with each other." Religion has nothing to do with whether Tilden or Hayes is elected, although honesty has; but religion would have a great deal to do with it if the platforms, instead of dealing with questions of reconstruction, finance, civil reform, etc., etc., treated of the rights of the Church or of similar questions.

THE Church of England is troubled with an aching Tooth which needs extraction. A clergyman of this name, Vicar of Hatcham, is at present attracting a great deal of attention. He persists in wearing vestments, having lights on the altar, using incense, standing with his back to the people, elevating the chalice, and doing all those things which have been prohibited by law, and which excite intense disgust in all good Protestants who regard them as imitations of the mass. Mr. Tooth has been inhibited by his bishop, and condemned by Lord Penzance, the judge of the new ecclesiastical court, and runs great risk of being fined and imprisoned. He is supported and encouraged by a large party in the Church of England.

Riots have taken place at Hatcham church, and meetings on his behalf, and against him, have taken place in various parts of the country.

Whether ritualism helps the progress of the Catholic Church in England or not is much debated there. We think that the old Tractarian or Puseyite movement did to some extent; but we do not think modern ritualism does. It supplies a sort of sham Cath

olicity, which satisfies thousands of good people, who dislike Protestantism, pure and simple, and who but for ritualism would be Catholics. The ritualistic papers are as bitter against the Church as any Orange sheet. In fact English opinion is still very anti-Catholic. There was, we believe, only one Catholic returned to Parliament from England, Scotland, and Wales, which countries send thither five hundred and fifty members; and only one Catholic was returned out of sixty for the whole city of London, in which city there are a quarter of a million of Irish Catholics, forty churches; and in England and Scotland two thousand Catholic priests and churches, with the richest of the English aristocracy at their head.

IRELAND and India, two very different nations, are both, per force, under the same sovereignty, that of the English crown. The one a Catholic country, the other pagan and Mohammedan; the one possessed of many eminent Christian virtues, with a few faults, more of the head than of the heart; the other sunk in unutterable iniquity. Both were won by the combined effects of the sword and treachery; by the sword which hewed down all opposition, by treachery practiced towards unsuspecting allies, and by dissensions artfully fomented. Strongbow, Elizabeth, Strafford, Cromwell, and William of Orange, suggest dark memories in regard to Ireland. Clive, Hastings, Wellesley, Dalhousie, recall similar memories in India.

Both countries are held by the strong arm, and against the will of the people; in this respect England treats the two countries alike; in some respects she treats them very differently.

When the Queen was proclaimed Empress of India on New Year's Day, political prisoners were released, yet the Irish prisoners still rot in dungeons. We do not read of causeless evictions in India, yet how often do we not hear of them in Ireland. When the Irish famine broke out it was long before relief was afforded, but Indian famines meet with immediate attention. English capital flows into India, and constructs railways, canals, public roads; it drains marshy lands, and irrigates barren tracts. Ireland is neglected. Her harbors are empty; her rivers turn no mills; there are few railways, few canals; the Shannon is neglected; the fisheries receive scanty aid.

India is referred to with pride; Ireland is often treated with contempt. Take up any English paper, and you will find that the affairs of India are discussed with interest, those of Ireland with impatience. In matters affecting India the English parties sink their differences to unite in measures of relief; in those of Ireland this is not the case.