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[1890 A.D.]

THE GREAT STRIKE OF 1890

It was at such an inopportune time that the most extensive combination of labour yet brought into action against capital formulated its demands. A strike of the Newcastle miners, after lasting twenty-nine weeks, came to an end in January, 1890, and throughout the rest of the year there was great unrest in labour circles. On September 6th the silver mines closed down, and a week later a conference of employers issued a manifesto which was met next day by a counter-manifesto of the Intercolonial Labour Conference, and almost immediately afterwards by the calling out of 40,000 men. The time chosen for the strike was the height of the wool season, when a cessation of work would be attended with the maximum of inconvenience. Sydney was the centre of the disturbance, and the city was in a state of industrial siege, feeling running to dangerous extremes. Riotous scenes occurred both in Sydney and on the coal fields, and a large number of special constables were sworn in by the government. Towards the end of October 20,000 shearers were called out, and many other trades, principally concerned with the handling or shipping of wool, joined the ranks of the strikers, with the result that the maritime and pastoral industries throughout the whole of Australia were most injuriously disturbed. The "Great Strike," as it was called, terminated early in November 1890, the employers gaining a decisive victory. The colonies were, however, to have other and bitter experiences of strikes before labour recognized that of all means for settling industrial disputes strikes are, on the whole, the most disastrous that it can adopt.

One result of the strike of 1890 was the planting of a colony of communistic Australians in South America. Another effect of the Great Strike was in a more practical direction. New South Wales was the first country which endeavored to settle its labour grievances through the ballot-box and to send a great party to parliament as the direct representation of labour, pledged to obtain through legislation what it was unable to obtain by strikes and physical force. Several attempts had been made by individuals belonging to the labour party to enter the New South Wales parliament, but it was not until 1891 that the occurrence of a general election gave the party the lookedfor opportunity for concerted action. The results of the election came as a complete surprise to the majority of the community. The labour party captured 35 seats out of a house of 125 members; and as the old parties almost equally divided the remaining seats, and a fusion was impossible, the labour representatives dominated the situation. It was not long, however, before the party itself became divided on the fiscal question; and a protectionist government coming into power, about half the labour members gave it consistent support and enabled it to maintain office for about three years, the party as a political unit being thus destroyed. The events of these three years taught the labour leaders that a parliamentary party was of little practical influence unless it was able to cast on all important occasions a solid vote, and to meet the case a new method was devised. The party therefore determined that they would refuse to support any person standing in the labour interests who refused to pledge himself to vote on all occasions in such way as the majority of the party might decide to be expedient. This was called the "solidarity pledge," and, united under its sanction, what was left of the labour party contested the general election of 1894. The result was a defeat, their numbers being reduced from 35 to 19, but a signal triumph was won for solidarity. Very few of the members who refused to take the

[1890-1900 A.D.] pledge were returned, and the adherents of the united party were able to accomplish more with their reduced number than under the old conditions.

The movement towards forming a parliamentary labour party was not confined to New South Wales; on the contrary, it was common to all the colonies except West Australia, and its greatest triumphs have been achieved in New Zealand and South Australia. Like the organisation in New South Wales, the labour party of South Australia owes its origin to the failure of the Great Strike of 1890. In that year the Trades and Labour Council of Adelaide summoned a conference of labour representatives, at which a proposal for the formation of a parliamentary party was drawn up and adopted. The political programme of the new party was comprehensive and popular, and almost immediately on its adoption three representatives of labour won seats in the second chamber (legislative council), and at the ensuing general election of 1893 the party secured 8 seats in the assembly out of a total of 54, and 6 out of 24 in the council, thereby gaining a controlling vote in both

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houses. In 1900 it controlled 12 votes in the popular house and 8 in the council. The members of the South Australian labour party differ in one important respect from those of New South Wales. They are all persons who have worked for their living at manual labour, and this qualification of being an actual worker is one that was strongly insisted upon at the formation of the party and strictly adhered to, although the temptation to break away from it and to accept as candidates persons of superior education and position has been very great. In Victoria the labour party has not been so conspicuous as in New South Wales and South Australia. The members of the Victorian assembly are not divided into such distinct parties as are the members of the popular houses of the other colonies, and the labour party has therefore not been able to determine the real balance of power. In Queensland the labour party numbered, in 1900, 21 out of 72 members in the elective branch of parliament, a larger proportion than in any other state; but only for a brief period [toward the close of 1899] have parties been so evenly divided as to give the labour party the balance of power.

[1882-1894 A.D.]

FEDERATION

The question of federation was not lost sight of by the framers of the original constitution which was bestowed upon New South Wales. In the report of the committee of the legislative council appointed in 1852 to prepare a constitution for that colony [an interoolonial assembly was suggested]. But it was not until the necessities of the colonies forced them to it that an attempt was made to do what the framers of the original constitution suggested. Federation at no time actually dropped out of sight, but it was not until thirty-five years later that any practical steps were taken towards its accomplishment. Meanwhile a sort of makeshift was devised, and the imperial parliament passed a measure permitting the formation of a federal council, to which any colony that felt inclined to join could send delegates. Of the seven colonies New South Wales and New Zealand stood aloof from the council, and from the beginning it was therefore shorn of a large share of the prestige that would have attached to a body speaking and acting on behalf of a united Australia. The council had also a fatal defect in its constitution. It was merely a deliberative body, having no executive functions and possessing no control of funds or other means to put its legislation in force. Its existence was well-nigh forgotten by the people of Australia until the occurrence of its biennial meetings, and even then but slight interest was taken in its proceedings. The council held eight meetings, at which many matters of intercolonial interest were discussed. In 1889 Sir Henry Parkes addressed the other premiers on the desirability of a federal union for purposes of defence. The immediate result was a conference at Parliament House, Melbourne, of representatives from each of the seven colonies. This conference adopted an address submitting certain resolutions which affirmed the desirability of an early union, under the crown, of the Australiasian colonies, and provided that steps should be taken for the appointment of delegates to a national Australasian convention, to consider and report upon an adequate scheme for a federal convention. In accordance with this understanding, the various Australasian parliaments appointed delegates to attend a national convention to be held in Sydney. On the 2nd of March, 1891, the convention held its first meeting. Sir Henry Parkes was elected president, and he moved a series of resolutions embodying the principles necessary to establish the structure of a federal government.

On the 31st of March Sir Samuel Griffith, as chairman of the committee on constitutional machinery, brought up a draft Constitution Bill, which was carefully considered by the convention in committee of the whole and adopted on the 9th of April, when the convention was formerly dissolved. The bill, however, fell absolutely dead. Not because it was not a good bill, but because the movement out of which it arose had not popular initiative, and therefore failed to reach the popular imagination. Even its authors recognized the apathy of the people, and parliamentary sanction to its provisions was not sought in any colony.

Although the bill of 1891 was not received by the people with any show of interest, the federation movement did not die out; on the contrary, it had many enthusiastic advocates, especially in the colony of Victoria. In1894 an unofficial convention was held at Corowa, at which the cause of federation was strenuously advocated, but it was not until 1895 that the movement obtained new life, by reason of the proposals adopted at a meeting of premiers convened by Mr. G. H. Reid of New South Wales. At

[1806-1898 A.D.] this meeting all the colonies except New Zealand were represented, and it was agreed that the parliament of each colony should be asked to pass a bill enabling the people to choose ten persons to represent the colony in a federal convention; the work of such convention being the framing of a federal constitution to be submitted to the people for approval by means of the referendum. During the year 1896 Enabling Acts were passed by New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania, South Australia, and West Australia, and delegates were elected by popular vote in all the colonies named except West Australia, where the delegates were chosen by parliament. The convention met in Adelaide on the 22nd of March 1897, and, after drafting a bill for the consideration of the

various parliaments, adjourned until the 2nd of September. On that date the delegates reassembled in Sydney, and debated the bill in the light of the suggestions made by the legislatures of the federating colonies. In the course of the proceedings it was announced that Queensland desired to come within the proposed union; and in view of this development, and in order to give further opportunity for the consideration of the bill, the convention again adjourned. The third and final session was opened in Melbourne on the 20th of January, 1898, but Queensland was still unrepresented; and, after further consideration, the Draft Bill was finally adopted on the 16th of March and remitted to the various colonies for submission to the people. In its main provisions the bill of 1898 followed generally that of 1891, yet with some very important alterations.

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POST OFFICE, SYDNEY

The constitution was accepted by Victoria, South Australia, and Tasmania by popular acclamation, but in New South Wales very great opposition was shown, the main points of objection being the financial provisions, equal representation in the senate, and the difficulty in the way of the larger states securing an amendment of the constitution in the event of a conflict with the smaller states. As far as the other colonies were concerned, it was evident that the bill was safe, and public attention throughout Australia was fixed on New South Wales, where a fierce political contest was raging, which it was recognised would decide the fate of the measure for the time being. The fear was as to whether the statutory number of 80,000 votes necessary for the acceptance of the bill would be reached. This fear proved to be well founded, for the result of the referendum in New South Wales showed 71,595 votes in favour of the bill and 66,228 against it, and it was accordingly

[1899-1901 A.D.]

lost. In Victoria, Tasmania, and South Australia, on the other hand, the bill was accepted by triumphant majorities. West Australia did not put it to the vote, as the Enabling Act of that colony only provided for joining a federation of which New South Wales should form a part. The existence of such a strong opposition to the bill in the mother colony convinced even its most zealous advocates that some changes would have to be made in the constitution before it could be accepted by the people; consequently, although the general election in New South Wales, held six or seven weeks later, was fought on the federal issue, yet the opposing parties seemed to occupy somewhat the same ground, and the question narrowed itself down to one as to which party should be entrusted with the negotiations to be conducted on behalf of the colony, with a view to securing a modification of the objectionable features of the bill. The new parliament decided to adopt the procedure of again sending the premier, Mr. Reid, in conference, armed with a series of resolutions affirming its desire to bring about the completion of federal union, but asking the other colonies to agree to the reconsideration of the provisions which were most generally objected to in New South Wales. The other colonies interested were anxious to bring the matter to a speedy termination, and readily agreed. Accordingly a premiers' conference was held in Melbourne at the end of January, 1899, at which Queensland was for the first time represented. At this conference a compromise was effected; something was conceded to the claims of New South Wales, but the main principles of the bill remained intact. The bill as amended was submitted to the electors of each colony and again triumphantly carried in Victoria, South Australia, and Tasmania. In New South Wales and Queensland there were still a large number of persons opposed to the measure, which was nevertheless carried in both colonies. New South Wales having decided in favour of federation, the way was clear for a decision on the part of West Australia. The Enabling Bill passed the various stages in the parliament of that colony, and the question was then submitted by way of referendum to the electors. The result of the voting (in five colonies in 1899, and in West Australia in 1900) was as follows:

New South Wales, for 107,420 against 82,741; Victoria, for 152,653 against 9,804; Queensland, for 35,181 against 28,965; South Australia, for 65,990 against 17,053; West Australia (1900), for 44,704 against 19,691; Tasmania, for 13,437 against 791.

In accordance with this verdict, the Colonial Draft Bill was submitted to the imperial government for legislation as an imperial act.

Under an act of the British parliament, dated July 9th, 1900, passed under the auspices of Mr. Chamberlain, secretary of state for the colonies, a proclamation was issued, September 17th of the same year, declaring that, on and after the 1st of January, 1901, the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, Tasmania, and West Australia should be united in a federal commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of Australia. The act which gave authority for the issue of this proclamation embodied and established (with such variations as had been accepted on behalf of the colonies) the constitution agreed to at the premiers' conference of 1899. It was cordially welcomed in the mother country, and finally became law amid signs of general approval. The difficulties arose with regard to the right of appeal to the queen in council. By clause 74 of the original bill this right was very seriously curtailed; Mr. Chamberlain wished to preserve it as in the case of Canada, while, in order to disarm colonial opposition, he suggested that the judicial committee of the privy council should be

H. W.-VOL. XXII. 8

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