called a meeting of the University to see Crousaz subscribe the Dutch Articles and Confession. Crousaz made no difficulty, but subscribed his name, adding pacis studiosus to it. This addition, when observed, gave some umbrage to Professor Dreissen, as being an eluding of his subscription, and a subscribing the Articles only as vinculum pacis, and not as his opinion. Therfor another meeting was called, and this addition compleaned of. Crousaz declared that he had no such designe; houever, he was oblidged to raze out his addition. In proces of time Dreissen came to be pretty intimat with Crousaz, who is a smooth cunning person, and in conversation pleased good Dreissen. Houever, the rumors of Crousaz inclining to Pelagianisme still greu more and more, and came to Dreissen's ears. He therfor wrote two theses last year, and printed them under the title of Gratia Victrix, quarto, Groning. 1725, which I read from my informer. They are on the sense of the ninth of the Romans, and Dreissen insists on the Calvinisticall interpretation, and does it very clearly and neatly in the first volume; and, in the second volume, he answers Limburgh's objections against the Calvinist explication of that chapter very well. The first of these volumes Dreissen inscribes to Crousaz, and desires his sentiments upon [it, and] his approbation, if he like the reasoning; [with] his remarks, if he finds any thing wrong. Crousaz makes a return full of approbation and complements, which is printed. Houever, the reports and surmizes of Crousaz' disingenouity continouing, Dreissen adressed the second volume to him again, and desires a more open declaration of his sentiment. Crousaz made a short return, which is yet darker then the former. This brought on conversation betwixt them, where my informer was invited. Crousaz, in conversation, seemed to condemn Limburg's arguments very much, and pretty much to declare himself against Pelagianisme; yet some doubts remained, and the rumors still continoued when he left Groningen. He tells since he hears that this last spring, 1726, Crousaz finding still the suspicions of him continouing, and being unwilling peremptorily to declare himself on some points, which encreased people's jealousy, has left Groningen, and will either teach in Holland, or, it may be, come over to England. Thus debates about doctrine are grouing everywhere.

The same person tells me too [that] Professor Dreissen was, I think,

a scholar, or at least a freind of Professor Roel; and is suspected a little to favour Roel's peculiar notions, though he teaches none of them. He is reconed one of the clearest [and] distinctest among all the Professors there. He sayes there has been severall debates at Groningen among the Professors of late, upon divorce [?] and the causes of it; which was managed, I think, between Barbyrack and some Ministers. Another, pretty sibb* to our debates about the Marrou, whither assurance be in the formall nature of faith? That they wer very fond to hear what was done in Scotland upon that subject. That the debate between Barbyrack and John Court upon lotts and lusory games was ended some years ago, the subject being quite exhausted. Barbyrack menteans ther is more of fortuitousnes in games ordinarly reconed to be free of lottery, as chess and the like, than in dice and others of that kind.

He nottices that the Cocceian Professors and Ministers in Holland are most strict and religious observers of the Sabbath, and as far as appeared to him, even more strict keepers than such as mentain the strict morality of it.

Monsieur Fabricius at Hamburgh is a prodigious writter; that it's scarce conceivable hou he finds time to write so much; that his works already would make twenty or more folios. That he has young men who write out things at his direction, and that every year almost, besides his publick [lecturing] and preaching, letters and visits, he publishes what would make a folio or two.

Provest Drummond tells me that he had the follouing account from one of the gentlmen, which hapned some years ago in Spain or Italy. He told their names, but I have forgott. Two Scots gentlmen wer travailing in one of these places where Popery is in very great bigotry; and when they wer coming to a famous Church, the one of them would lay a wager with the other that he would ease nature on the steps of the alter, in a publick meeting, [when] some extraordinary relict or the hosty was exhibited. The other diswaded him, but he insisted on it; and said he would venture, and the other should see his excrements should

• Akin.

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be honnoured as relicts, and the effect of a miracle. He prepared himself by taking somewhat laxative, and came in on a solemn day, thrumbled in to the very altar, and there voided himself. Very soon, we may be sure, a cry arose; and he only desired liberty to tell the occasion. He had his story ready for delivering, that for many dayes he had been under a violent constupation; that he belived nothing would releive him but this; that as soon as he came to the relict or hostee, by faith in it, this cure was wrought. And, upon this, the Preists presently took it as a miracle, and published it to the people, and he was the happiest that could get some of the excrements! This is another instance of the stupide bigotry and superstition of the Papists.

My Lord Grange told Colonel Erskin and me that he was extremly abused by not a feu at Edinburgh, and represented as a hypocrite, and pretender to religion, and spoken of very much for his visiting his cousine Mrs Baderston, and converse with the serious people in Edinburgh. That he was represented as divisive and factious, and his attending Communions was made a very great fault, and his going to some of them represented as favouring the Marrou. In short, that he was represented as a Jacobite, and in the same bottome with his brother the Earl of Mar. That letters wer wrote up from some considerable persons at Edinburgh when he went last to London, representing him as a most dangerous man, and no freind to the King and Government. That these letters had such weight with Sir Robert Walpool and other great men, that for some time he could get nothing done as to his brother's estate, till with some pains he got them removed, and the folly of these aspersions removed, and then in a litle all went right and easy.

He tells me that ther have been very great heats among the Episcopall Clergy of late. One Doctor, I knou not if he be not à titular Bishop, Rattray, hath abused the rest for their moderation, that he, I think, and had set up against eating of blood; and endeavoured to bring all their performances as near to the Nonjurors in England, and the Papists, as may be. That Doctor Rattray broke Communion with most of his bretheren. That Mr Gatherer goes on in confirming multitudes

in Aberdeenshire, and nullifying the administrations of every body almost but Papists. That Mr Archibald Campble has dimitted his Episcopall office. It's but very lame and imperfect accounts I can gett of these divisions among the gentlmen of that side.

He tells me an account, which, by the circumstances, I conjecture relates to himself: That ther was a woman in Edinburgh under deep distress and melancholy; in short, her circumstances looked as like a possession as any thing of that nature well could. She spoke of things at distance, and secret things. One day, a gentlman came to visit her, and upon seing her distress, and strange things said and done by her, he was really much frighted and terrifyed, and when he went he sett doun some hints of what he had seen, and his oun terrour, in his day-book, and never communicat this to any. Next day he came to see her, and she grinned fearfully at him, and said to him, Feared beast, write no books of me!"

He tells me that Mr Webster had pretty publickly called Doctor Pitcairn an Atheist, and the Doctor took it hainously ill, raised a process of calumny before the Commissars; and if I remember, it came befor the Lords, and my informer was Ordinary, and took it up by a conference. The Doctor firmly expected to get Mr Webster punished as an Atheist, for calling him one. In the conference, Mr Webster could scarce be brought to acknouledge a fault, and broke out in passion at my informer, whom he reconed favourable to the Doctor. Houever, he got it compromised, but for some years, till the proces 1717, with Mr Simson, Mr Webster would not speak to my informer. During that Assembly, Mr Webster fell out into indecencys, and ther was a designe to have deposed him next session, but this was prevented by his coming in and making an acknouledgment in the afternoon. In the intervall, Mr Webster sent to my informer, desiring liberty to visit him, and to crave advice, which being granted readily, he made many acknouledgments, and took his advice to ask pardon of the Assembly. This was accepted, and yet my informer was blamed by the Commissioner for preventing the deposition of a rash, imprudent, fiery man.

In conversing upon sensing of words, and the insisting upon ipsissima verba in Mr Simson's proces, he told me, that at that time he very much declared against insisting on that. That ther could be no possible probation if these wer insisted on; that in criminall cases, and cases of treason, the ipsissima verba are not insisted upon; that the witnesses in criminall cases are interrogat, Whither they heard words, or words to that purpose, running that way, by fair consequence, without straining? that judges must be allowed a great deal in their cases; and that no witnesses can well be tyed doun to the ipsissima verba, and far less is this necessary in point of heresy and false doctrine..

The day after the Assembly, the Commissioner dispatched the copy of the Assembly's Act for a Fast, and advised with some Ministers as to the form of the King's proclamation, and sent up a draught. It was not easy to fix on a draught that would take at Court. Some reference in the proclamation behoved to be to the Assembly's Act, and yet the Court will scarce go in to every thing in it. It's left, I hear, to some generall reference, for these reasons, or some such phraze.

I am told by Mr Sinclair, late Solicitor, that after the Union the English wer content ther should be somwhat of a form of Government in Scotland, in room of the Scots Council; and that the Lord Godolphine was particularly for this. That severall projects wer formed in order to this; a Council for Trade and Manufacters was spoken of to have some standing pouer, and after that, the Commissioner of Police, which are nou perfect sinecures, and do nothing; a Committy of the British Council to sit at Edinburgh, &c.

I hear the Duke of Argyle and his party extremly blamed for prevailing at Court, about the 1716 or [17]17, to get a remission for the Duke of Gordon after the Rebellion, without termes and conditions taken of him, and restrictions. Before he got his remission for his concern in the Rebellion, it's said he would have been well pleased with any terms, for the extirpating of Popery in his country, establishing Protestant factors, bearing doun of Popish seminaries, and encouraging Protestant tenants. But nou, that he has that point secured, Popery in that