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BOSTON?

The Boston of the colleges, beloved of thousands of Wellesley girls and Harvard and Tech men, all over the world? The Boston of the tourists, who come to venerate the historic shrines? The Boston of school day memories, "listen my children and you shall bear," of Paul Revere and Bunker Hill?

If you've ever been to Boston, are ever coming, or if you know Boston only out of your history books, you'll enjoy "THE COLOR OF AN OLD CITY" the new Map of Boston. Old enough to show the Mayflower in the Harbor, and a Pilgrim Father in the stocks on Charles street jail; new enough to include the Repertory Theater and the not-yet-ready Statler Hotel.

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CONTENTS

USING ROSES IN THE LITTLE

GARDEN

ABOUT ROSE PLANTS

HYBRID PERPETUAL ROSES

TEA ROSES

HYBRID TEA ROSES

POLYANTHAS, CHINAS, AND
BOURBONS

CLIMBING ROSES

SHRUBS AND MISCELLANEOUS
Roses

PREPARATION OF THE SOIL AND
PLANTING

WINTER PROTECTION AND PRUN

ING

INSECTS AND DISEASES
CARE AND FERTILIZATION

HERESY IN ROSE-GROWING

No. 6 in The Little Garden Series
ROSES IN THE
LITTLE GARDEN

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By G. A. STEVENS

THOUGH fashions in roses change, and though the Hybrid Tea
Rose is now universal where once Hybrid Perpetuals and Tea
Roses predominated, the importance of the rose is as great as ever.
No real garden is complete without its rose bush, and Mr.
Stevens has determined by experimentation the adaptability of
the different types to the various localities. He gives a carefully
selected list of roses, and expresses a fran, and authoritative
opinion on the merits of each. All phases of the care of plants,
from the advantageous times of buying to
the culture of the soil, protection in severe
winter, and the defense against insects and
diseases, are thoroughly covered.

Illustrated $1.75 (Please add 10c for postage)

THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY BOOKSHOP

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8 Arlington Street

Boston

THE LIVING AGE. Published weekly. Publication office, RUMFORD BUILDING, CONCORD, N. H. Editorial and General Offices, 8 Arlington Street, Boston 17, Mass. 15c a copy, $5.00 a year; foreign postage $1.50. Entered as second-class matter at the Post Office at Concord NH under the Act of Congress March a

THE LIVING ACE

VOL. 329 JUNE 26, 1926-NO. 4277

THE LIVING AGE

BRINGS THE WORLD TO AMERICA

A WEEK OF THE WORLD

THE BRITISH LIBERAL SPLIT

BRUSHING personalities aside, although they have much to do with present dissensions in the British Liberal Party, the enduring and historically important aspect of the breach between Lord Oxford and Lloyd George is their respective attitudes toward the present industrial conflict in Great Britain. The Liberals are suffering the pains and penalties of every Centrist Party. One wing sympathizes with the Conservatives, the other with Labor. Neither wing, however, would go as far toward Conservatism or Radicalism as the Party toward which it leans. When a great issue like the general strike comes up, these diverging inclinations are sure to assert themselves. We suspect that Lloyd George has not lost out in the present controversy, precisely because the Conservative Government, with which Lord Oxford and Lord Grey have virtually aligned themselves, has found no solution for the existing crisis. The Conservative Liberals have run the risk, therefore, of associating themselves with failure, while Lloyd George and his followers

have at least a gambler's chance of winning credit from the mischances of their opponents and of posing at some future time as the true prophets of Liberalism. The Nation and the Athenæum and the Manchester Guardian have sided with the Welsh ex-Premier; the Westminster Gazette has stood by Lord Oxford. The Conservatives are watching the fray with cynical delight. As the Saturday Review observes, it affords ‘analluring distraction' in Britain's present gloom, and Liberal dissensions are the one 'stable element in contemporary political life.' The New Statesman says: 'Mr. Lloyd George has enormously strengthened his position in the country with the policy he has pursued during the strike'; and the Nation and Athenæum exclaims: 'Who would have believed that in a controversy between these two statesmen Mr. Lloyd George would be triumphantly and unmistakably in the right?' More striking still, the weekly leader writer of the Sunday Times, which one would hardly rank as a Liberal organ, comes to Lloyd George's defense with the following keen analysis of the two leaders:

Copyright 1926, by the Living Age Co.

'Mr. Lloyd George has great faults. He has many Liberal instincts, but no anchorage in Liberal principles; he is constitutionally and by nature an intriguer, he is slapdash in his mental processes, a very bad judge of men, a despiser of learning and scholarship, and, true Celt that he is, a lover of those short cuts to the Millennium which no true Anglo-Saxon ever believes in. He is not, contrary to the general belief, a good tactician, for he is alternately cautious to timidity and a reckless plunger.

'But when you have enumerated all his faults, the genius is still there, shining the brighter against a dark background. He is the only Liberal for many years that has shown any fertility in ideas or real driving power. Lord Oxford's Liberalism is an attitude of mind; Mr. Lloyd George's a desire to get certain things done. All sorts of people have tried to use him. No one has succeeded, and Mr. Lloyd George remains himself, the unsolved and insoluble equation in politics. These things have to be paid for, and a little insubordination to titular leaders is not too high a price. On the practical side of Liberal politics, he has accomplished far more than ever Gladstone did. Lord Oxford would have been well advised to give him his head and to look the other way from inevitable indiscretions, while prepared to annex any political capital that he might accumulate for the Party. The sensible old Whigs in the Party always did that with the Radicals.

'It is sad to the sentimentalist to think of a great historical English Party becoming a sort of frozen moon in the firmament, but that is how events seem to be shaping themselves. But there might be consolations if you got a Labor Party revivified with a few constructive ideas grown at home, not imported from Germany, and a trade

unionist movement that thought less of taking as much as possible out of the common stock and more of increasing the common stock. Both the virtues and the faults of Mr. Lloyd George might fit him for this service - a greater national service than he rendered even during the war. He will choose his time, but he will sooner or later, one is convinced, make the attempt, and, if he does, his chances of success are good. Not land again, but trade-unionism in its relations to the problems of industry, is his chance.'

TORIES BOOST RUSSIA

FOUR Conservative members of Parliament who have recently returned from an unofficial visit to Russia have published a report which the equally Conservative London Daily Telegraph characterizes as including 'favorable judgments in most curious and striking contrast with the official reports published from time to time by the organs of the Soviet Government.' For example, they say, 'Russia's present financial policy is sound and almost austere,' and declare that 'not a single foreign trade commitment since the introduction of the present régime has failed to be punctually honored'; and they conclude that 'Russia is capable of presenting a great field for judicious investment of British capital.'

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British propaganda; (b) to obtain a recognition by the Russian Government of pre-war private debts; (c) to get as much money as possible for the British nationals, to whom such debts are due; (d) to increase trade between Britain and Russia for the sake of the British unemployed.'

To be sure, the Commission discovered some unpleasant things in Russia. The administration of justice 'has hitherto been farcical,' and 'the whole system of justice continues to be based purely on politics.' Furthermore, the G. P. U., or secret police, better known in old days as the Cheka, continues to employ 'abominable methods of terrorism,' including 'wholesale ar rests, imprisonments, deportations, and even shootings, for purely political offenses.' This is the more inexcusable because Moscow is 'a model city as far as order is concerned.'

The Commission describes the economic system envisaged by the Soviet Government as 'a peasantry based on individualism, exchanging products with an industrial population or proletariat based on Socialism.' And notwithstanding their own political Conservatism, they believe that 'with certain further modifications, this system may not be unsuited to a country of such vast dimensions, such potential productive capacity, and with a population so backward, as Russia, where a high degree of centralization is absolutely necessary.'

Apparently the members viewed with lively approval the Workers and Peasants Government's way of dealing with strikes. For example, when the mechanics in a big railway shop employing some thousands of workers decided upon a strike not long since, 'it did not materialize, owing to the fact that four hundred of the men involved were removed from their homes a couple of nights later by

the police and have not since reappeared.'

These die-hard tactics were so reassuring to the British investigators that they expressed the opinion that Russia now affords a desirable opening for the judicious investment of British capital. Long-term credits granted in a careful manner by the trade concerned for the purchase of agricultural machinery, textiles, hosiery, and so on, would have an immediate and enormous effect on British trade and on the employment in Great Britain, and a great responsibility rests on all of us who have any say in the matter to see to it that further due consideration is given to this complex question at an early date.'

GENERAL GAJDA

Is Czechoslovakia to have a Pilsudski? This is a question that Prague politicians are anxiously asking themselves since the Warsaw coup d'état. For some time an anti-Parliament, anti-Masaryk, anti-Socialist, and antiagrarian reform Fascist movement has been afoot in the land of John Huss. It is said to receive financial support from Big Business and moral suppor from the Slovak Clericals, and to have picked out for its leader General Gajda, Chief of the General Staff.

That officer is still in the early thirties, but he has a picturesque career behind him. Of humble origin, he emigrated in his youth to Russia, where he was working in a drug store at Kief when the war broke out. Later he took an active part in organizing the Czech Legion, and was one of the commanders of that body during its famous anabasis through Siberia after the Communist revolution. At this time he distinguished himself as a violent enemy of the Bolsheviki and

supported General Kolchak at Omsk. Later he returned home with his fellow Legionaries, joined the regular army, and was rapidly promoted. He is described as a taciturn, retiring man, whose real opinions and projects are not generally known. He is much talked about but seldom seen, and is a disciplined soldier who has hitherto confined himself strictly to his military duties.

It is rather difficult, therefore, for an outsider to discover why he should be picked out as the probable leader of a military coup. But there is no doubt of the enthusiasm he has aroused among his volunteer, hot-headed admirers, who have been immensely heartened by the success of Pilsudski's adventure in the neighboring capital. A decided sensation was created last month when Mr. Bechyne, former Minister of Railways and the actual leader of the Social Democrats, published in Pravo Lido, the principal organ of that Party, a plain-spoken article asking General Gajda to lay his cards on the table, and declaring that any attempt to set up a Fascist dictatorship would be promptly crushed. This challenge was the more impressive because Bechyne had visited President Masaryk the day before, in company with Klosatsch, the leader of the Democratic wing of the Nationalist Socialist Party, who represents the Legionaries who are opposed to unconstitutional political action. It was naturally assumed, therefore, that the article was inspired by Masaryk himself; and it contained this pertinent statement: 'Misled by the phantom of Italy's example, the Black Shirts are attacking the Hradschin (the presidential palace); for the moment, to be sure, only by agitatory speeches, but these are the more reprehensible for being tolerated by the Government police. Masaryk disapproves Czech

Fascism. He will liberate the nation from its liberators.'

Nevertheless, most serious-minded people in Czechoslovakia scout the idea of a Fascist outbreak. If attempted it would probably be confined to Prague. No one wants trouble in that city just before the great Sokol gathering scheduled for the end of this month, since political unrest would frighten away tourists. Notwithstanding the prevailing hard times, both the national and the city Government have spent money lavishly upon preparations for this event more than one and a quarter million dollars for a great athletic field, and half that sum for temporary buildings and municipal improvements to accommodate the visitors. The Sokol stadium will seat one hundred and thirty thousand spectators, and will be large enough to allow more than fourteen thousand athletes to drill inside.

HUNGARIAN COUNTERFEITERS JAILED

AFTER one of the most picturesque criminal trials that Europe has witnessed for a generation, Prince Windisch-Grätz and ex-Chief-of-Police Nadossy have been sentenced at Budapest to four years' imprisonment for counterfeiting French bank notes, and several of their accomplices will be compelled to serve shorter terms. So much for the strictly criminal aspect of a case whose political aspects threaten to disturb public life in Hungary much longer than the term of these sentences. For the trial did not prove indubitably whether Count Bethlen, the Premier, and the rest of the Government were privy to the forgers or not; and their taint will cling to innocent and guilty alike for many years to come. Even ecclesiastical witnesses contradicted each other on the stand. Bishop Mives

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