crown; in reality with the prime minister, acting in consultation with his court or private cabinet of advisers on party affairs. An English premier is usually either a great nobleman, or a commoner of advanced years, distinguished eminence, and close personal relations with the aristocratic, territorial, and wealthy classes. In either the facts, and not at forms and fictions, of its members know nothing of the one would say that the efficient influ- process till it is over. Then they learn, ences are two: first, "the country," as the general public does, that suchand, secondly, certain managing polit-and-such noblemen, gentlemen, and ical cliques in London society. There lawyers have been appointed to variare some few public men of such com- ous greater and minor offices of State. manding weight and influence that The selection formally rests with the they are independent alike of the House of Commons and of the party managers. The electorate—that is, of course, their moiety of the electorate will have them, and their claims cannot be denied. In such cases the election is practically a vote for or against one or two of them; as in 1880, when the real question was whether the electors desired Lord Beaconsfield case his associations are constantly to continue in office or not; in 1892, when the alternative practically was for or against Mr. Gladstone; or as it will be at the next general election, when everybody will be asking himself whether he wants Lord Salisbury and Mr. Balfour to come in or to stay out. In these cases "the voice of England is the choice of England," understanding by the voice of England the voice of Scotland, Ireland, and Wales as well. You cannot say that the House of Commons has much to do with the matter; it does not choose the successful party leader who comes in on the top of the wave, and it could not reject him if it would. Could the House have made anybody but Mr. Gladstone premier in 1892, whether it wanted him or not? In 1880 the majority of the Liberal members probably did not want him, and would have preferred Lord Hartington; but they had to take him all the same. And if the House of Commons were abolished, the plébiscite could be held and the country elect its prime minister, with much the same essential result. Here, again, is a case where the functions of the House of Commons are a great deal larger in appearance than they are in reality. with the more select members of that 66 The choosing of the ministers of the in which case, with decent abilities, second rank, who are not of sufficient there is no reason why he should prestige and weight to be called to office not be an under-secretary at sevenby the popular voice, is a different mat-and-twenty; or he may be accepted ter. The House of Commons is not because he is very rich; or even someconsulted in Cabinet-making, and most times, though rarely, because he is will find it somewhat difficult to find a more plausible explanation of the presence in them of several noblemen and gentlemen who could be named. For our present purpose it is sufficient, at least, to suggest how little the House of Commons has to do with the matter. With some modification in the details, the present system of government and appointing governors could go on, in essentials the same, if the House of Commons were abolished. SUGGESTION. IF there is any force in what has been said here, it will be seen that the very clever; or because he is a person of influence in local politics, and would be likely to do good service to the party. And the chief advantage to the ambitious local politician of being elected to the House of Commons is that he has thereby a chance at least, if he is also wealthy, sociable, and a good entertainer-of working his way into one or other of the ruling oligarchies. The House itself can do little for him directly, unless he be a person of the most exceptional ability and force of character; but indirectly, if he THE BALLOT IN THE COMMONS: A also possesses the necessary qualifications of wealth, manners, and hospitality, it can help him to get his footing in the right set. Once firmly estab- comparative weakness and inutility of lished there, he is as eligible as another the House of Commons is due mainly for nomination to office. He may talk to the increased power of the Cabinet, to the party chiefs and impress them and to the position of members of Parwith his personal ability; and he will, liament as delegates directed to vote at any rate, have the opportunity of with the party according to the orders becoming acquainted with the ladies of the caucus, rather than as representand gentlemen who meet the premier atives able to exercise an independent and the members of his closet-council judgment. Space will not permit me at dinners and luncheons, who stay to go into the question of the means with them at country houses, and are by which the system could be altered, married to their sisters, brothers, aunts, even if it were desirable to alter it. A and cousins. Thus, when the time good many people would be inclined to comes, he may find himself a junior say that it is not. They would, perlord or an under-secretary, or even a haps, hold that the growth of the Cabminister at the head of one of the great inet on the one hand, and the larger departments; and the House of Com- control of the electors over their memmons, it may be with a little mild sur-bers on the other, represent a natural prise, acquiesces partly because it and healthy development; and that if cannot help itself; partly because the the result is that Parliament has more oligarchies, with that excellent good of the show than the reality of power, sense and self-command which have the arrangement, nevertheless, works always distinguished the English gov- satisfactorily enough. However this erning classes, do not, as a rule, make may be, there is an obvious method by flagrantly bad appointments. If the which the Commons could effectually subordinate members of the Cabinet regain control of the executive and and the ministry generally are not become independent of the caucus. much above the average of members of would only be necessary to add to the Parliament, they are not often below it. rules a standing order prescribing that This explanation of the mode in divisions in the House should be taken which ministries are made is not ex-by ballot. It will be seen what an actly orthodox. Neither the popular enormous difference the adoption of plébiscite nor the influence of London this simple expedient would make. If society is recognized by the writers of the text-books. But these elements are at work all the same; and any one who takes the trouble to consider the composition of some recent ministries It the votes in the House were taken by ballot, no one, of course, could know how each individual voted. Every member would be left free to exercise his own private judgment on the ques 66 Hugh Viscount Ebrington, eldest son of Fortescue by Hester, Hugh first Earl daughter of the Right Hon. George Grenville (the prime minister), was born in 1783, passed through Eton and Brasenose College, Oxford, and entered Parliament as member for Barnstaple in 1804. In 1809, having obtained a commission, he was appointed aide-de-camp to Sir Arthur Wellesley, but was prevented from joining him from Gibraltar under the escort of General Venega's Spanish army by its defeat at Almonacid. Before he could reach Sir tion before him, untroubled by the fear | forgotten and now become extremely rare, either of the party whip or the local its existence has been recalled by a passage wire-pullers; and though he would, no in the recently published "Mémoires du Speaking of Napodoubt, still usually vote with his lead- Chancelier Pasquier." ers, he could, at any rate, safely vote leon's efforts in his latter years to saddle Talleyrand with the blame of the Duke against them when he thought them d'Enghien's execution the writer says (i. wrong. Under these conditions minis195), "Il l'en accusait à l'ile d'Elbe, en ters would have to convince where présence de je ne sais quel Anglais, qui l'a they now command; and the speeches consigné dans une relation de son voyage in debate, instead of being an empty dans l'ile." The relation " referred to form, would actually be intended to may be read in the ensuing pages; of the persuade the audience to which they "je ne sais quel Anglais," a very few were delivered. The "mechanical ma- words must now be said. jority" would disappear; and a goverument could not venture to bring in a bill which it knew very well was regarded with dislike and suspicion by a third of its supporters, if it also knew that those supporters could, if they pleased, give effect to their convictions at the ballot-box. A minister, challenged on some point of administration, would have to defend himself in earnest and vindicate his action successfully, instead of merely calling upon the whips to muster their forces for a party division. In one word, the House of Commons would be, in fact, a sovereign assembly, and become, what it is not now, the real ruling element in the Constitution. But such a change is probably not one that could now be carried into effect. The electors have shown no disposition to tolerate any arrangements which would deprive them of their power to control and supervise their parliamentary delegates; nor, perhaps, if the question were seriously put to them, would they regard with approval an innovation which, while it tended to weaken the Cabinet and almost to paralyze the cancus, would make the Commons far stronger than either. Arthur the vacant place on the staff was on the famous Lord Cochrane in 1814. Napoleon, as we shall see, was aware of this incident or had been told of it for the occasion. Later on Lord Ebrington became known as a leader in the Reform movement of 1830, being selected by Macaulay himself as the head of the independent Reformers in the Commons in September, 1831, when the ministry threatin the Lords (Lord Macaulay's Life and ened to resign in consequence of its defeat Letters, i. 193). In another passage Macaulay speaks of the effect which he had seen produced in the House "by very rude 1 sentences stammered by such men as Lord Spencer and Lord Ebrington." As another instance of the moral ascendency which can be gained only by a man of acknowledged courage and uprightness, it may be mentioned that Lord Ebrington once dispersed single-handed a formidable mob of rioters in North Devon, throwing to the ground, without for a moment interrupting his address, a man who presumed to lay hands on him while exhorting them to return peaceably to their homes. For the 1 Of course this does not mean discourteous; the courtesy of both men was proverbial. rest Lord Ebrington having absolutely no gift of speech played his part in silence, though the intimate friend and trusted counsellor of men so highly placed as Lord Althorp and Lord John Russell. He died in 1861. Enough has now been said to show that Napoleon's interlocutor was a man of perhaps more than ordinary force of character. But what probably made Napoleon specially anxious to create a favorable impression on him was his relationship to Lord Grenville, than whom the dethroned emperor had no enemy more resolute, nor any whom it might profit him more to conciliate. Be that as it may, the memorandum of the two conversations speaks for itself. It is here given exactly as it stands in the original manuscript, taken down at the earliest opportunity after the second interview; and though written evidently with extreme rapidity, unblotted by a single erasure. "The parts of it which are in French are, as nearly as I could recollect them at the time, the very words used by Napoleon," writes Lord Ebrington in his preface; "and the remainder may be relied on as the genuine substance of what he said to Had my memory been better, I might me. once a poor baker's son at Nancy, since MEMORANDUM. PORTO FERRAJO, Monday, Dec. 6, 1814. After some questions about myself, my family, etc., he asked eagerly about France, saying, "Dîtes-moi francheI said, ment, sont-ils contents ?" "Comme ça." He replied: They cannot be; they have been too much humbled by the peace; they have had a king imposed upon them and imposed by England. Lord Wellington's appointment must be very galling to the army, as must the great attentions shown him by the king, as if to set his own private feelings up in opposition to those of the country; Si Lord Wellington fût venu à Paris have added much more, but where I felt a doubt of its accuracy on any subject I supcomme voyageur, je me serais fait un pressed that subject altogether." [As a plaisir de lui témoigner les égards dûs matter of fact his memory was remarkably à son grand mérite; mais je n'aurois retentive and accurate.] "I have not pas été content que vous le m'envoyasaltered the original MS. lest, in endeavor- siez comme ambassadeur.” The Bouring to put what was written solely for my bons were not calculated to be popular own satisfaction and amusement into a with a people like the French. Maform better adapted for the press, I should dame d'Angoulême, he had heard, was take away anything from its authenticity." plain and awkward. "Il fallait pour With such an example before him the l'ange de la paix du moins une femme spirituelle ou jolic." The king and Monsieur were too much influenced by priests. The Duke d'Angoulême, he had been told, was weak, " et le Duc de Berri a fait dernièrement, à ce que l'on dit, bien des sottises." Besides they (the Bourbons) had been the instruments of making a peace on terms to which he (Napoleon) would never have consented; giving up Belgium, which the nation had been taught to consider as an integral part of the dominions of France, and would never quietly consent to be stripped of. present editor has been careful to leave the manuscript untouched. Two or three passages which, as reflecting on persons then living, were suppressed in the printed edition of 1823 are now inserted and appear in print for the first time. These have been enclosed in brackets. One or two small foot-notes on matters which have fallen obscure have also been added; and with these it seems best that the editor's functions should end. And now let us carry ourselves back to a December evening in 1814. A young Englishman, unknown except as the nephew of Lord Grenville, and thus kinsman of William Pitt, has seized the opportunity given by the Peace of Paris, to go abroad, and has found himself at Elba. There he has received from General Drouot (Drouot, 66 You had gained enough by the peace in securing the internal quiet of your empire at home, in the recognition of D your sovereignty in India, and in hav-| placed several of them about his court, ing the Bourbons, instead of me, upon but he was obliged to do it very cauthe throne. The best thing for En- tiously: "Car toutes les fois que je gland would perhaps have been the touchois cette corde les esprits frémispartition of France; but whilst you soient, comme un cheval à qui on serre left her amply the means of being for- trop les rênes." He felt that France midable, you have, by what you have wanted an aristocracy : "Mais il fallait taken away, mortified the vanity of pour cela du temps, des souvenirs ratevery Frenchman, and produced feel- tachans à l'histoire. J'ai fait des ings of irritation, which if not em- princes, des ducs, et je leur ai donné de ployed in foreign contests, must break grands biens, mais je ne pouvois en out into revolution or civil war." He faire de vrais nobles," on account of spoke not from what he had heard the meanness of their connections. "Car je n'ai de nouvelles que des gazettes, ou ce que m'en disent les voyageurs; mais je connois bien le caractère Français; il n'est pas orgueilleux comme l'Anglais, mais il est beaucoup plus glorieux; la vanité est pour lui le principe de tout, et sa vanité le rend capable de tout entreprendre." The army were naturally attached to him (Napoleon)," Puisque j'étois leur camarade. J'avois eu des succés avec eux, et ils savoient que je les récompensois bien; mais ils sentent maintenant qu'ils ne sont rien. Il y a à present en France 700,000 hommes qui ont porté les armes, et les dernières campagnes n'ont servi qu'à leur montrer combien ils sont supérieurs à tous leurs ennemis. Ils rendent justice à la valeur de vos troupes, mais ils méprisent tout le reste." fait He meant, however, gradually to have intermarried them with the old nobility, as he had done in some instances: "Et si les vingt ans que je demandois pour la grandeur de la France m'eussent été accordés, j'aurois toujours beaucoup; mais le sort en a disposé autrement." The king, he thought, ought to follow the same plan, instead of advancing so much those who, for the last twenty years, have been “ enterrés dans les greniers de Londres." He knew that a king might have his friends like another man, and is naturally desirous of rewarding those who have shown an attachment to him; "mais il faut agir selon les circonstances, et, après tout, Paris vaut bien une messe. In England the king may indulge private partiality in the appointment of his court officers, because there he is only a part of the government. "Le Roi chez vous peut être malade, même un peu fou, et les affaires n'en vont pas moins leur train, puisque ça s'arrange entre le ministère et le parlement;" but in France the sovereign is the source of everything, and importance is attached to his least actions. "Il est connu comme dans un palais de cristal, où tous yeux sont tourné vers lui." He considered the House of Peers as the great bulwark of the English constitution, which he thought would be overturned if there were in the country materials for making such another assembly, equal in all respects to the present. "Mais en France je. vous ferois quarante sénats tout aussi bons que celui qu'ils ont." On my observing that I thought he laid too much |