totally unknown to him. If he had been applied to on the subject, he would not only have expressed his disapprobation of them, but would have used every exertion in his power to prevent them." To the dismay of Mr. Littleton, the minister and the majority of his cabinet determined, notwithstanding all the suggestions which had been conveyed by the lord-lieutenant, that the clause regarding public meetings should be retained in the bill, and the Irish secretary, was thus compelled to belie his confidential communication. Although he had told Mr. O'Connell that he would not be the person to introduce the bill in that shape, he did not resign now when it was determined that in that shape alone was the bill to be brought in: that step he did not take, till after the public exposure of the whole affair. He did worse; for it does not appear that, even when the cabinet were deliberating whether these clauses should be retained or omitted, and were deciding in favour of the former alternative, any intimation was made to lord Grey and the other ministers that a different impression had been conveyed to the leaders of the Catholic party, and that, if the provisions were to be insisted on, another Irish secretary must be sought to recommend and support them. Mr. Littleton had brought about, unknown to his superiors, a state of circumstances, which, necessarily formed a most important element in their deliberations, might involve them in parlia ment in inextricable embarrass ment, and might place them in the most fatal of all positions in which in that assembly a ministry or a man can stand, a position of awk. wardness and ridicule, even if they

should escape from the more serious reproach of having disappointed just expectations by violating serious assurances; yet he allowed his colleagues to come to a decision ignorant of that which it so much concerned them to know. He communicated, however, to Mr. O'Connell that the hopes which had been held out to him could not be realized, but begged of him to take no public notice of this, till he should have seen earl Grey's speech introducing the bill. Mr. O'Connell said that he then remarked to the Irish secretary that, if he did not resign, he would be guilty of a deception, and that Mr. Littleton answered, "say nothing of that to-day," or, "wait till to-morrow;" but with regard to the fact whether such an answer was or was not given, Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Littleton publicly averred before the house of Commons, each upon his honour, that what the other stated was not consistent with the truth.

Mr. O'Connell thought he had been deceived, and was no longer bound to secrecy; he was in pos session of the fact, that the Irish government was, at least, not friendly to this unpopular Irish bill; he knew well the immense advantage of the position which he had thus gained for opposing it, and the difficulties in which government would be involved by the disclosure of its own dissensions, and of the fact that no small portion of its members were acting in opposition to their own sincere convictions in a matter which concerned the constitutional rights of the people. On the 3rd of July, two days after the bill had been introduced in the Lords, he asked Mr. Littleton whether it was true that the renewal of the coercion

bill in its present shape had been advised and called for by the Irish government? Mr. Littleton answered, that this was an unusual inquiry to make regarding a bill not before the house; but that the introduction of the bill had the entire sanction of the Irish government. Mr. O'Connell repeated, that his question was, whether it had been advised and called for, in its present shape, by the Irish government? Mr. Littleton replied, that he had no other answer to give than that which he had given already. "I now ask him, then," continued Mr. O'Connell," if it is his intention to bring the bill forward in this house?" Mr. Littleton having answered, "It will be for the government to decide as to its introduction here, when the proper time arrives; but whoever may bring in the bill, I shall vote for it."" Then I have been exceedingly deceived by him," was the rejoinder of the member for Dublin and the Irish secretary was thus driven to state the whole matter. He repeated the history which has been already given; he was actuated, he said, by feeling it to be a matter of interest to the government, of importance to the country, and even of kindness to Mr. O'Connell himself, to caution him as to the course he seemed about to take, and to beg of him not to act prematurely or rashly, while the extent of the intended measure was still undecided. "After consulting friends on whom I relied, and proceeding on an authority which I considered sufficient, I was led to seek an opportunity of communicating with the learned gentleman. I told him that the communication I had to make was one which I thought he would receive with pleasure, but that it

must be considered and received by him as entirely secret and confidential-an injunction which he received and acknowledged. I expressed my regret at the letter which he had written to the electors of Wexford, recommending the adoption of a violent course. I knew how inconvenient it was to the government that he should persist in the course he was pursuing. I knew the importance of his opinions from the great influence he possessed in Ireland, and I saw the advantage of dissuading the hon. gentleman from so violently opposing a measure, the extent of which was as yet undetermined. I heard, in a few days after this interview, of rumours which were in circulation about the house and elsewhere, and which rendered it impossible for me not to believe that he had divulged my communication. I did nothing in consequence of this, but I came to a determination not to hold with him any further communication. However, when I found that a decision was come to contrary to what I had supposed might have been the case, I consulted with the same individual as before, and told him that, notwithstanding what had occurred, I thought it incumbent on me, in point of honour, to communicate the state of things to the hon. gentleman. I requested a common friend to wait on him for the purpose of communicating it. Not satisfied with that, I went across the house on the same evening, and asked the hon. gentleman if he had seen the individual whom I had requested to communicate with him? He told me that he had. I begged him to refrain from disclosing my communication, till a public announcement was made on the sub

ject, and he had heard what would be proposed in the other house of parliament. I think the house will be of opinion, after what I have stated, as to the secrecy of the original communication, that this was not asking too much. I admit that I committed a gross indiscretion in the communication which I made but I know not in what manner he will attempt to justify his breach of confidence with respect to that communication, nor is it indeed a matter of any importance to me how he may seek to excuse his conduct. I was actuated in the course which I adopted by a desire to fulfil a public duty, and by kindness to the hon. gentleman himself. I wished to prevent him from pursuing a course which he might be sorry for, which the government might have cause to regret, and which might prove injurious to the country. My hopes and wishes have been cruelly disappointed, and he has convinced me by his conduct, that henceforth with him it will be unsafe for me to communicate on public matters, except across the table."

Mr. O'Connell added something to Mr. Littleton's explanation, and defended himself against the charge of having betrayed confidence, by alleging that he never would have divulged the communication made to him, had he not found that it had been used to gain an advantage over him by trickery. "It was not I who sought the Irish secretary; I was sought by him. I had nothing to ask from him. He sent for me. He had no right to send for me to go to his office. I did not want him; if he wanted me, he knew where I lived. The election for Wexford was coming on. One of the candidates was a whig. I thought it my duty to set up a

repealer. In these circumstances the interview took place. I admit the conversation was confidential, but that confidence was limited. That secrecy would never have been broken by me, if I had not been tricked and deceived by the Irish secretary. If such had not been the case, the conversation between us would still have remained strictly confidential. He alluded more than once to a communication which the marquis Wellesley had honoured me with, on a subject of the deepest interest to the country, and said, that he had sent for me as one only of those persons upon whom he could rely, and to whom he could apply with confidence. I replied, that I was happy to hear him so express himself, and that he would find that confidence not misplaced. I repeat again, that such would have been the case, if this conversation had not been made use of afterwards to obtain an advantage over me. He went on to tell me that the Irish government was opposed to the renewal of the coercion bill of last year, that those concerned in the Irish government (meaning of course, lord Wellesley and himself) were opposed to the renewal of that bill. The house will recollect, that this communication took place after the publication of my letter to the people of Wexford; and let the house mark what use, was made of it. The right hon. gentleman told me distinctly that the Irish government, the lordlieutenant of Ireland, and himself, were against the renewal of the coercion bill of last year, and that he thought it right, under the circumstances, to make that communication to me. I was going away with the cheerful determination to regulate my conduct, both in the

with the communication that I had just received, when he again repeated to me that the coercion bill would not be renewed, but only a short measure for suppressing agrarian disturbances. I told him, that no one could be more anxious than I should be to assist the government in that object, and that he might reckon upon my fullest assistance, and that of the party to which I belonged, for such a purpose. I was going out of the room, when he addressed to me this observation, that if the coercion bill should be brought into that house, it would not be brought in by him. Such was the conversation between him and me. In consequence of that conversation I wrote over to the county of Wexford, and the candidate, whom I had started there upon the repeal interest, declined the contest. Another gentleman started upon the same interest. He wrote over to me requesting that I would send one of my family to canvass the county with him. I acted upon the right hon. gentleman's distinct declaration, and I declined interfering, and what was the consequence? The whig candidate on the first day had a majority of 114 over his opponent; but what has since taken place affords a positive proof, that if I had interfered, and if some one connected with me had gone through the country, the majority would have been decidedly on the other side. That election is still going on, and up to the post hour on Monday last, the majority of the whig candidate had been beaten down to 18. Was not that a proof that I should have carried that election, if I had not been kept neutral by the delusion-by the deception-practised

Irish secretary to make such a statement to me, with a view, as it would now appear, to the carrying of that election? Will he, after perhaps obtaining the return of the whig candidate for Wexford through such means, be the person to introduce the coercion bill into this house,-will he do so, after having distinctly declared to me, not more than a fortnight ago, that he would not do any such thing? If I had not been deluded, if I had not been deceived by that statement, I would already have addressed the reformers of England on the subject. By making that statement he secured an advantage over me; he secured my neutrality in the Wexford election, and he secured an advantage in the debate on the tithe bill. By so deluding me, he prevented me from addressing, as I intended, the reformers of England, and the reformers of Scotland too, who I hope are not dead to the cause of liberty. Having so deceived me, what right has he now to attack me for a breach of confidence? He deceived me, and through me he deceived many others. I communicated to a great many Irish members, that there would be no necessity for a call of the house; that no such bill as the coercion bill of last year would be introduced; but that the measure, which would be brought forward, would be one that every man could support; that the discussions upon it would therefore be short, and that we might expect that the session would soon be at an end. We have been all deceived by the right hon. gentleman. After the statement which he made to me, could I for a moment doubt as to the

The repeal candidate ultimately carried the election.

particular line of conduct which it was the intention of the government to adopt? He in fact gave me to understand that the government had adopted it; for though he did not say, that the majority of his colleagues had determined upon pursuing the course he then indicated, what other interpretation could he reasonably have expected would be put upon his words? He is not so young as not to understand that a minister, holding such a situation as he did, and making such a communication, must be understood as expressing the opinion of the government to which he belonged. I repeat again and again, that he has deceived me. He has gained one advantage already, and a great one, by his deception: but it would be giving him a great deal too much to give him any longer the advantage of the seal of secrecy."

Mr. Littleton indignantly repelled the imputation that he had acted with any view to deceive or delude Mr. O'Connell; and the house seemed to admit that, however indiscreet he might have been, no such purpose was to be imputed to him. He further insisted that Mr. O'Connell, before divulging what had been intrusted to him, ought to have communicated with him on the subject, and seen whether good reasons could not be given for the decision to which government had come. The moment that decision was adopted, Mr. O'Connell was informed, both by a common friend, and by Mr. Littleton himself, of the change which had taken place. Mr. O'Connell rejoined that one fact had been omitted. "When he made the communication to me in the house on Friday last, I told him that I wished the report of

1832, on the disturbances in Ireland to be printed." He said, emphatically, "There is no occasion for it to be printed, you will be satisfied of that by the announcement made by lord Grey in the house of Lords to-night." I said, in reply, "There is only one course for you to take-to resign; for, after the manner in which you have acted, you will be otherwise guilty of a deception on me." His reply was, "Say nothing of that to-day."- Mr. Littleton: "I declare, upon my honour as a gentleman, that I said no such thing." -Mr. O'Connell: "On my honour as a gentleman, you did."-Mr. Littleton: "I declare solemnly before the house, and upon my honour as a gentleman, that I never did."

Mr. O'Connell : "Do you mean to deny that you spoke of resigning." Mr. Littleton: "I never said any such thing. I deny solemnly, on the honour of a gentleman, that I made any statement of the kind."-Mr. O'Connell : "then why did I not make my motion for the printing of the report? I want to know that."— Mr. Littleton: "I cannot answer for that. I do not know any thing about it. It is true, that you declared your intention of moving for the printing of the report, and said something about the bill. I did not, in reply, say a word about resigning. To the best of my knowledge, my reply was, nearly as possible, in these words: "I trust, that, whatever your feelings or opinions on the subject may be, you will not divulge them to-night; but that you will wait until to-morrow, when you can ascertain the particular nature of the bill in lord Grey's speech."-Mr. O'Connell: "That was not what you said, nor any thing like it."

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