hood, there were 13,000,000 of republicans, who, as soon as the flag of rebellion should be unfurled, would rally round it, and trample in the dust the whole establishment. The separation of Canada from England would be a lamentable thing for this country; but if the present pernicious mode of governing the colony was to be continued, he would sincerely declare, that in his opinion the sooner the Canadians got rid of our dominion the better.

Mr. Spring Rice and lord Stanley, while they observed that language like this only made matters worse, stated the course which had been followed in Canadian affairs, till the dissolution of the late government in Nov. 1835. So far back as 1828, a committee had been appointed to examine into the complaints of the Canadians; and a more honest and indefatigable committee, one more intent on probing every grievance to the core, and suggesting an adequate remedy, had never sat. The recommendations of that committee had been the subject of warm eulogium to the popular party itself in Canada; and it was to be regretted that the state of political matters at home had prevented these recommendations from being considered and acted on. Complaints, irritation, distrust, misconception, succeeded between the governor and assembly; and all this ended in the ninety-two resolutions of the Legislative Assembly, which had been brought before parliament last year. A committee was again appointed, of which Mr. Roebuck himself was a member. Every document in the possession of the colonial office, every letter public or private, was laid before that committee. The

majority of the House of Assembly, in order to substantiate their allegations, had sent over persons to act as their agents. On each separate charge, one of those individuals was examined by Mr. Roebuck himself; on every one of the ninetytwo articles, before any other step was taken in the committee, he was asked whether he had anything to say and lord Stanley was afterwards asked whether there was anything on the part of government to submit. Upon the papers so produced, on the examination so conducted, and without one single particle of evidence adduced on the part of government, the colonial office was willing to take a decision on each and every one of the resolutions. Lord Stanley acceded reluctantly to a request that the evidence, and a separate verdict in each case,should not be taken; because, by publishing that evidence, and giving those verdicts, feelings of irritation might be excited in the Canadas, which would be injurious to the public interest. But the committee came to the following general resolution:-"That the most earnest desire has existed on the part of the home government to carry into effect the suggestions of the committee of 1828; that the endeavours of the government to that end have been unremitting, and guided by the desire in all cases to promote the interests of the colonies; and that in several important particulars their endeavours had been entirely successful." To this report, Mr. Roebuck was a party; in the face of it, he now blamed the government. The committee had resolved, from considerations of public utility, that the evidence and report should not be laid on the table of the House;

in the face of that resolution he was now proceeding on his own notes or recollections of that very evidence. Sir Robert Peel, who was at the head of the government when this discussion arose, said that the recent change in the government had not prejudiced the consideration of the question, and was not likely to postpone its settlement. The subject had already occupied the attention of the secretary for the colonies, and his majesty's government without delay, signified their full intention to settle definitively the matters in dispute besides, lord Aylmer was authorized to lay such information before the House of Assembly as ought to lead to the most satisfactory results. After the best reflection that could be bestowed upon the subject, it was thought expedient that the representative of the king's government in Canada should be a person wholly divested of all local prejudices and connexions; that he should be invested with full authority; and that he should proceed to the colony in complete possession of the views and wishes of the government at home. This course was adopted for many reasons, and for this amongst the number that the great inconvenience was felt of conducting affairs at such a distance through the medium of written communications, subject as each of such communications in succession might be to a misunderstanding, and thereby giving rise to fresh references home: the time thus elapsing would of necessity give rise to fresh embarrassments, and be productive of greater evil than any exercise of discretionary power which, under the circumstances, might be expected. Ministers, however, were not prepared to

declare any new principles of government: their intentions were to review the several causes of complaint, to ascertain how far they were founded in justice, and to redress all real grievances in a spirit of conciliation. In that spirit they were resolved to proceed, regardless of menaces; for he did not believe that America had authorized the member for Bath to declare that, in the event of a resort to arms, she would join the rebel inhabitants of the colonies.

On the other hand petitions were presented to the Commons on 16th March, and to the Lords on 24th March, deprecating the violence of the democratic party in the colony. In presenting the petition to the House of Lords, the earl of Aberdeen stated, that it was signed by 11,000 persons, inhabitants of Montreal and its vicinity; of whom 10,000 were individuals born of British parents or of British settlers, and who represented a most numerous and respectable body in that country, of not less than 100,000 persons. They stated that they were highly sensible of the benefit of the connexion be tween this country and Canada, and that they were particularly grateful for the constitution granted to the province by his late majesty, which they were determined to preserve. They declared that they viewed with alarm certain resolutions which had been passed by the House of Assembly; they expressed their disapprobation of the dissemination of the disloyal principles which had been promulgated to bring the country into contempt, and their apprehension that the projects entertained by some per sons would lead to the establishment of a pure democracy, and the dismemberment of the provinces.

They disavowed on their parts any participation in such projects, and hoped that if the British legislature should think it necessary to interfere in the internal affairs of the province, only such modifications might be effected in the provincial constitution as might be indispensably requisite, in order to afford permanent relief to the financial embarrassments of the executive, to maintain the existing connexion between the mother country and the colonies, and to preserve in their proper places and limits the rights and privileges of all classes of his majesty's subjects in the province. His lordship, who then held the office of colonial secretary, added, that he did not think the province was without cause of complaint; but knowing, as he did, the entire singleness of purpose of the government on this subject, he would declare, that if they were met by anything like a corresponding feeling of fairness and moderation, it was utterly impossible that they should not succeed in bringing the question to a favourable result; and if ultimately they should fail, which he did not anticipate, he was confident they would have the support of every one who was not prepared to withdraw that important province from under the dominion of the British

crown.

On the 10th September, His Majesty at last brought this long session to a close by the following speech:

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "I find, with great satisfaction, that the state of the public business enables me to relieve you from further attendance, and from the pressure of those duties which you have performed with so much zeal and assiduity.

"I receive from all Foreign Powers satisfactory assurances of their desire to maintain with me the most friendly understanding, and I look forward with confidence to the preservation of the general peace, which has been, and will be, the object of my constant solicitude.

"I lament that the civil contest in the Northern Provinces of Spain has not yet been brought to a termination; but, taking a deep interest in the welfare of the Spanish monarchy, I shall continue to direct to that quarter my most anxious attention, in concert with the three Powers with whom I concluded the treaty of quadruple alliance; and I have, in furtherance of the objects of that treaty, exercised the power vested in me by the legislature, and have granted permission to my subjects to engage in the service of the Queen of Spain.

"I have concluded with Denmark, Sardinia, and Sweden, fresh conventions, calculated to prevent the traffic in African slaves; I hope soon to receive the ratification of a similar treaty which has been signed with Spain.

I am engaged in negotiations with other Powers in Europe and in South America for the same purpose, and I trust that ere long the united efforts of all civilized nations will suppress and extinguish this traffic.

"I perceive, with entire approbation, that you have directed your attention to the regulation of Municipal Corporations in England and Wales, and I have cheerfully given my assent to the bill which you have passed for that purpose. I cordially concur in this important measure, which is calculated to allay discontent, to promote peace

and union, and to procure for those communities the advantages of reponsible government.

"I greatly rejoice that the internal condition of Ireland has been such as to have permitted you to substitute, for the necessary severity of a law which has been suffered to expire, enactments of a milder character. No part of my duty is more grateful to my feelings than the mitigation of a penal statute in any case in which it can be effected consistently with the maintenance of order and tranquillity.

"Gentlemen of the House of

Commons,

"I thank you for the readiness with which you have voted the supplies.

"You have provided not only for the expenses of the year, and for the interest upon the large sum awarded to the owners of slaves in my colonial possessions, but also for several unexpected and peculiar claims upon the justice and liberality of the nation.

"It is most gratifying to observe that not only have these demands been met without additional tax. ation, but that you have made some

further progress in reducing the burdens of my people.

"I am enabled to congratulate you that the terms upon which the loan for the compensation to the proprietors of slaves has been obtained afford conclusive evidence of the flourishing state of public credit, and of that general confidence which is the result of a determination to fulfil the national engagements and to maintain inviolable the public faith.

"My Lords and Gentlemen, "I know that I may securely rely upon your loyalty and patriotism, and I feel confident that in returning to your respective counties, and in resuming those functions which you discharge with so much advantage to the community, you will recommend to all classes of your countrymen obedience to the law, attachment to the constitution, and spirit of temperate amendment, which, under Divine Providence, are the surest means of preserving the tranquillity and increasing the prosperity which this country enjoy s."

Lord Denman, as lord Speaker, then declared parliament to be prorogued to the 10th November.

A

LTHOUGH the radical party and the Irish Catholics had enjoyed the triumph of seeing the Whigs driven to court their alliance, and of expelling, in conjunction with them, the conservative ministry, the leading events of the session had not altogether fulfilled their expectations. Both in regard to the Municipal Bill, and the appropriation of the revenues of the Irish church, the House of Lords had shown itself able to combat successfully all their violence, though backed by the official influence of their ministerial allies. The Peers had discharged their duty of resisting the encroachments of democracy; in doing so, and in doing it successfully, they had manifested a moral power still more unfavourable to the designs of ambitious and hot-headed innovators than the rejection of this or that particular bill. The exhibition of this power called forth that respect which all men pay, even involuntarily, to the faithful discharge of high and important duties. The sentiments of the great majority of those whose sentiments ought to form, and, in the end, always do form, public opin

ion, felt convinced that the peers had done well, and that in the House of Lords was to be sought the constitutional bulwark against the designs of men, the danger of whose policy was sufficiently evinced by the fact that they now admitted that they would be unable to carry it into execution, so long as the Upper House of Parliament was allowed to retain its place and powers in the institutions of the country.

To the radicals, therefore, and to many partisans of the ministry, who deemed it prudent to chime in with the opinions of their radical supporters, the House of Lords became the object of incessant abuse. Their mode of argument was simple in the extreme. It consisted merely in assuming that every thing which the peers had refused, and every thing which the innovators had desired, or might desire, was necessarily called for by the rights, and essential to the welfare, of the people, and that, whether it was so or not, it was enough that the people demanded it. The logical consequence was unavoidable-that all power rested in a majority of the House of