duced here.] He therefore hoped a day might be allowed to take the subject into consideration. Mr. WILLIAMS said, he had searched and could find no precedent in the Journal to encourage a delay of this business. He found that when a report was made by the committee on such an occasion, it was usual to be taken up by a Committee of the Whole House; and if gentlemen disagreed on the subject, it should be recommitted to the same committee who formed it, to make such alterations whereby it may meet more general approbation, or be amended by the House and passed. He hoped no new precedent would be made. The SPEAKER again observed, that the question was on postponing the unfinished business to take up this report. Mr. W. SMITH said, that if this business was delayed it ought to be for substantial reasons. The principal reason gentlemen had urged was, that they had not had time to acquaint themselves with the answer. How, then, he asked, could they make their observations on it as they had done? The committee had, he thought, draughted it in such general terms that it could not be generally disapproved. There are but two parts in which he thought there would be differences of opinion, viz: that which related to the French Republic, and that which complimented the PRESIDENT for his services. As to the first, he thought it so expressed as to need no delay in the answer. With respect to the latter, he hoped no gentleman would refuse to pay a due regard to the PRESIDENT's services. The SPEAKER again informed the House what was the question. Mr. W. SMITH said, we ought not now to reflect on any thing we may judge has not been done as we could wish. Could we refuse a tribute of respect to a man who had served his country so much? He thought a delay at present would have a very unpleasant appearance. He hoped we should go into this business immediately, agreeably to the former practice of the House on similar occasions. The unfinished business was yesterday postponed for want of proper information, and he thought the same reason was yet in force with respect to it. He hoped nothing would impede this business, lest it should appear like a want of respect in us. He hoped to see an unanimous vote in favor of a respectful answer to the Chief Magistrate, whose services we ought zealously to acknowledge. Mr. GILBERT saw no reason to depart from a practice which had been usual; he therefore hoped the report might come under consideration to-day. He thought if it laid on the table an hour or an hour and a half, gentlemen could then be prepared to consider it. The SPEAKER again put the House in mind of the question. Mr. NICHOLAS said, if the business was pressed too precipitately, gentlemen may be sensible of their error when it was too late. Many bad consequences might attend hastening the subject before it was well matured. He could see no rea [H. OF R. son why the business should be precipitated upon the House a proper delay would not show any want of respect to the PRESIDENT, as some gentlemen think. Would it be more respectful that an answer should be sent by this House, which, for want of time, had not been sufficiently considered? Certainly not. Far more so will it appear that after mature deliberation the members are unanimous in their answer. I therefore think the object of respect which the gentleman from North Carolina has in view will be completely answered by the delay. Gentlemen talk about precedent. I am ashamed to hear them. There may be no precedent on the subject. But are we always to act by precedent? There is scarcely a circumstance occurs in this House but what is different from any that was before it. The PRESIDENT'S Addresses to this House are always different. They relate to the circumstances of things that are, have been, and may be. Then, to talk of precedents where things cannot be alike, is to trammel men down by rules which would be injurious in the issue. The Message of the PRESIDENT respecting the French Colors had been referred to. If gentlemen were then wrong, is that a reason why they should continue to act wrong? But this circumstance materially differs from that. That was merely an expression of sentiment, which could at once be determined, but this of sentiment, accompanied with deep and solemn reflection—it is so interwoven with the politics of the country as to require great circumspection. I hope gentlemen will not go into it until they are properly prepared. I wish to pay all possible respect to the Chief Magistrate, and cannot prove it better than by a sincere desire for an unanimous vote to the answer, which is only to be obtained by proper deliberation; and thus let him depart from his office with credit, and the enjoyment of our best wishes in his retirement. The question for postponing the unfinished bu'siness to take up this report was then put and negatived-43 to 31. The motion was then made for the order of the day on the petition of Henry Hill. Mr. D. FOSTER hoped the business would be further postponed, as the necessary information on the subject had not been obtained. It was accordingly postponed. Mr. W. SMITH again moved for the House to take up the answer to the PRESIDENT's Speech. Mr. MACON said, this was taking two different measures to accomplish the same object. He thought it was not in order, therefore should oppose it. The SPEAKER said, the motion was perfectly in order. The other motion was, whether the unfinished business was to be delayed to make room for the answer; which unfinished business had now been dispensed with. A motion may now be made to fix this subject to a day certain, which would supersede the other motion. Mr. NICHOLAS then moved that this business be postponed till to-morrow. Mr. Corr hoped it would be postponed. This H. OF R.] Reporting of the Debates. committee was appointed last Thursday, but had not made their report till yesterday. He found the answer on the desk this morning, but had not read it; and, though he had such confidence in the gentlemen who drew it up, as that he was now ready to vote for it, yet, as many gentlemen wished to consider it, he thought they ought not to be pressed to vote too hastily. He hoped the motion would be carried. [DECEMBER, 1796. that he can supply the members at the expense of about $1.600 for the session. With respect to the gentleman's reference to last session, this was materially different from that: that motion was to make the person an officer of this House, and at an expense much greater. He thought this attempt would be of great use to the House. Regular and accurate information of the debates in the House would be a very desirable thing; he able to the House. The motion was put and carried for a post-therefore hoped the resolution would prove agreeponement. WEDNESDAY, December 14. THOMAS HENDERSON, from New Jersey, and THOMAS HARTLEY, from Pennsylvania, appeared and took their seats in the House. A Letter was received from the Secretary of the Treasury, with proposals for laying on direct taxes; which, with all the papers accompanying the same, were, on motion of Mr. MACON, ordered to be printed. HENRY HILL. The SPEAKER informed the House that the report of the Committee of Claims on the petition of Henry Hill, was the order of this day, and, having a priority to other business, should now be taken up. Mr. WILLIAMS said, that the House need not go into unnecessary expense: the members were now furnished, morning and evening, with newspapers which contained the debates; then why should the House wish for more? If one person in particular has the sale of his debates to this House, will it not destroy the advantages any other can derive from it? We ought not to encourage an undertaking of this kind, but let us encourage any gentlemen to come here and take down the debates. Last year they were taken down very accurately and dispersed throughout the Union. By passing this resolution you will destroy the use of the privilege to any other than the person favored by this House. Why give one a privilege more than another? He observed, it had been common to give gentlemen the privilege to come into the House and take down the debates, which had been, last year, delivered time enough to give satisfaction to the members. Mr. D. FOSTER observed, that, on account of not being able to obtain the papers necessary to throw a proper light on the subject, he hoped the Mr. THATCHER said, he should wish for informconsideration of it would be postponed or recom-ation from the committee how many persons mitted. There are several of the members of the there were to publish debates, as he understood committee not sufficiently acquainted with the there were several, and the members were to supbusiness; it therefore required time before it ply themselves from whom they pleased. He could be acted on. should likewise wish for information, how many each member was to have to amount to the value of $1,600? Mr. HEATH hoped that it would be recommitted to the Committee of Claims. The Committee of the Whole was then discharged, from a further consideration of the case, and the report was recommitted. REPORTING OF THE DEBATES. Mr. W. SMITH moved for the order of the day on the petitions of Thomas Lloyd and Thomas Carpenter, whereupon the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, when, having read the report of the committee to whom it was referred, Mr. W. SMITH said, there had been petitions received from only two persons-Thomas Lloyd and Thomas Carpenter. They intended, each of them, to publish the debates. There might be others; he knew not. There was no intention of giving any one a preference-gentlemen could subscribe for that they approved of most. At the calculation of Mr. Lloyd the members would have five copies each for the $1,600. Mr. W. LYMAN said, the question was, whether the House would incur the expense of $1,600 to Mr. MACON wished some gentleman who was supply the members with copies or not? He in that committee, would be so good as to inform thought there was no need of the expense. If the House what would be the probable expense, the House do not think proper to furnish the and for what reason the House should go into the members, they can supply themselves. A publibusiness. He thought the expense altogether un-cation of them is going on at present, and many necessary, whatever it may be. If the debates of this House were to be printed, and four or five copies given to each member, they would employ all the mails of the United States. He also adverted to the attempt at the last session to introduce a stenographer into the House, which failed. Mr. SMITH informed the gentleman that Mr. Lloyd's estimate of the expenses is, that he will supply the House with his reports at the rate of three cents per half sheet. His calculation is gentlemen had subscribed to it already. Mr. DEARBORN did not think that $1,600 thus laid out would be expended to the best possible advantage. From the number of persons which we see here daily taking down debates, he thought we might expect to see a good report of the occurrences in the House. There was a book going about for subscriptions, which appeared to be well encouraged; he saw many of the members names in it. He thought that, by a plan like that, the reports may be as accurately taken as we may have any reason to expect if the House incurs this expense. [H. OF R. plied with these pamphlets at the expense of the public, or should they put their hands in their Mr. NICHOLAS observed, that members were own pockets and pay for them individually? He now served with three newspapers. He thought thought the House had no greater reasons to supto vote for this resolution on account of obtain-ply the members with this work than other publiing a more full and complete report than was to be had in the newspapers; thus it would supersede the necessity of taking so many papers. He thought this plan more useful to the member, and generally of more advantage to their constituents, as they could disperse those debates where otherwise they would not be seen. Mr. THATCHER said, if the object of the motion was to supersede the receiving of newspapers, he certainly should vote against it. He did not consider the main reason why members were served with the newspapers was, that they may obtain the debates. No. He thought it more important, in their stations, that they should know the occurrences of the day from the various parts of the United States as well as from foreign nations. Though he might favor an undertaking of this kind, yet he would give preference to a newspaper, if they were to have the one without the other. Mr. HEATH did not wish that the members, being furnished with debates agreeably to the motion, should supersede the receiving of newspapers, yet he should vote for it. Gentlemen had said the debates were taken more correctly last session than before, yet he had heard a whisper which was going from North to South, that our debates are not represented impartially. He wished the House and the people to be furnished with a true report; such a thing would be very useful: however, he did not wish to encourage a monopoly to those two persons. No. He would wish to give an equal chance to all who choose to come and take them. Shall we repress truth? I hope not; but disseminate it as much as possible. Last session, when I was, under the act of God's providence, prevented from attending the House, a member sent for a gentleman from Virginia. who was to act as stenographer, with whom the House and a printer in this city were to combine. Warm debates ensued on the propriety of the measure, and the gentleman returned home after the motion was negatived. I hope gentlemen will not grudge 1,600 dollars towards the support of truth. What we see now in the newspapers is taken from the memory, and not by a stenographer. The people will thank you that you have taken means to investigate truth. If any gentleman can point out a better mode to obtain this object, I hope he will do it that it may be adopted; till then I shall support the resolution. Mr. SHERBURNE did not think, with the gentleman last up, that the interest of the country was concerned; the only thing they were concerned in was the payment of the money. The printing of this work did not depend on the motion of this House. Whether the House adopt it or not, the book will be published. It is a matter of private interest; a speculation in the adventurer, like other publications. The question, he conceived, meant only this: Should the members be sup cations; they might as well be furnished with the works of Peter Porcupine, or the Rights of Man, at the public expense. Mr. W. SMITH said, the gentleman was mistaken with respect to the work going on, whether supported by the House or not. It was true as it respected the work proposed by Mr. Carpenter; but, with respect to Mr. Lloyd, he declared he could not undertake it, except the House would subscribe for five copies for each member. Mr. SWANWICK considered the question to be to this effect: whether the debates be under the sanction of the House or not? A gentleman had said, it will be a great service to the public to have a correct statement of the debates. I think the most likely way to obtain it correctly is to let it rest on the footing of private industry. We have a work, entitled The Senator, in circulation. I have no doubt but the publisher will find good account in the undertaking. Why should the House trouble itself to sanction any particular work? Gentlemen would then have enough to do every morning in putting the debates to rights before they were published, as they would be pledged to the accuracy of the reports. I never heard that, in the British House of Commons or Lords, such a motion was ever made, nor have I ever heard of such in any other country; then why should we give our sanction and incur a responsibility for the accuracy of it. He said he should vote against the motion, but would encourage such a work while it rested on the footing of private adventure. Mr. THATCHER said, he differed much from the gentleman last up, as it respected the responsibility of the House on such a publication. He thought it might as well be said, that because there had been a resolution for the Clerk to furnish the members of this House with three newspapers, the House was responsible for the truth of what those newspapers contained; if it was so, he should erase his name from his supply of them, as he thought, in general, they contained more lies than truth. Two considerations might recommend the resolution. It would encourage the undertaking, and also add to the stock of public information: on either of these, he would give it his assent. Soon after he came into the city, a paper was handed him with proposals for a publication of this kind (The Senator.) He, with pleasure, subscribed to its support; as to general information, that was given already by newspapers, and though each member was to be supplied with five copies, yet very few would fall into hands where the newspapers did not reach. The work would go forward at any rate. If he thought the work depended on the motion, he should rejoice to give his vote toward its aid. On the question being put, only nineteen gentlemen voted in favor of the resolution; it was therefore negatived. The question was then put, whether the House agreed to the report of the Committee of the Whole and disagreed with the report of the select committee; which appeared in the affirmative. The motion was therefore lost. ADDRESS TO THE PRESIDENT. The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the Answer to the PRESIDENT's Address; when the Answer reported by the select committee was read by the Clerk, and then in paragraphs by the Chairman, which is as follows: [DECEMBER, 1796. European nations, as the reflections deduced from both tend to justify, as well as to excite, a warmer admiration of our free Constitution, and to exalt our minds to a more fervent and grateful sense of piety towards Almighty God for the beneficence of His providence, by which its administration has been hitherto so remarkably distinguished. And while we entertain a grateful conviction that your wise, firm, and patriotic Administration has been signally conducive to the success of the present form of Government, we cannot forbear to express the deep sensations of regret with which we contemplate your intended retirement from office. As no other suitable occasion may occur, we cannot suffer the present to pass without attempting to disclose some of the emotions which it cannot fail to awaken. The gratitude and admiration of your countrymen are still drawn to the recollection of those resplendent virtues and talents which were so eminently instrumental to the achievement of the Revolution, and of which that glorious event will ever be the memorial. Your obedience to the voice of duty and your country, when you quitted reluctantly a second time the retreat you had chosen, and first accepted the Presidency, afforded a new proof of the devotedness of your zeal in its service, SIR: The House of Representatives have attended to characterized your Administration. As the grateful conand an earnest of the patriotism and success which have your communication respecting the state of our country,fidence of the citizens in the virtues of their Chief Mawith all the sensibility that the contemplation of the subject and a sense of duty can inspire. We are gratified by the information that measures calculated to insure a continuance of the friendship of the Indians, and to maintain the tranquility of the interior frontier, have been adopted; and we indulge the hope that these, by impressing the Indian tribes with more correct conceptions of the justice, as well as power of the United States, will be attended with success. While we notice, with satisfaction, the steps that you have taken in pursuance of the late Treaties with several foreign nations, the liberation of our citizens who were prisoners at Algiers is a subject of peculiar felicitation. We shall cheerfully co-operate in any further measures that shall appear, on consideration, to be requisite. We have ever concurred with you in the most sincere and uniform disposition to preserve our neutral relations inviolate; and it is, of course, with anxiety and deep regret we hear that any interruption of our harmony with the French Republic has occurred; for we feel with you and with our constituents the cordial and unabated wish to maintain a perfectly friendly understanding with that nation. Your endeavors to fulfil that wish, [and by all honorable means to preserve peace, and to restore that harmony and affection which have heretofore so happily subsisted between the French Republic and the United States,] cannot fail, therefore, to interest our attention. And while we participate in the full reliance you have expressed on the patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of our countrymen, we cherish the pleasing hope that a mutual spirit of justice and moderation on the part of the Republic will insure the success of your gistrate has essentially contributed to that success, we persuade ourselves that the millions whom we represent participate with us in the anxious solicitude of the pre sent occasion. Yet we cannot be unmindful that your moderation and magnanimity, twice displayed by retiring from your structive to mankind than valuable to a Republic. exalted stations, afford examples no less rare and in Although we are sensible that this event, of itself, completes the lustre of a character already conspicuously unrivalled by the coincidence of virtue, talents, success, and public estimation, yet we conceive that we owe it to you, sir, and still more emphatically to ourselves and to our nation (of the language of whose hearts we presume to think ourselves at this moment the faithful interpreters) to express the sentiments with which it is contemplated. The spectacle of a whole nation, the freest and most enlightened in the world, offering by its Representatives the tribute of unfeigned approbation to its first citizen, however novel and interesting it may be, derives all its lustre-a lustre which accident or enthusiasm could not bestow, and which adulation would tarnish-from the transcendent merit of which it is the voluntary testimony. May you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you, and to which your name will ever be so dear. May your own virtues and a nation's prayers obtain the happiest sunshine for the decline of your days and the choicest of future blessings. For your country's sakefor the sake of Republican liberty-it is our earnest wish your example may be the guide of your successors; and thus, after being the ornament and safeguard of the present age, become the patrimony of our descendants. that it speaks of the tranquility of the interior fronMr. VENABLE observed, on a paragraph wherein tier," he did not know what was the meaning of the expression: he moved to insert "Western frontier" in its stead. Mr. AMES observed that the words of the report are in the PRESIDENT's Speech; however, he thought the amendment a good one. It then passed. [H. or R. and, acting with that spirit of justice and moderation, accomplish a reconciliation. The amendment was adopted. In the fourth paragraph are these words: "Your endeavors to fulfil that wish cannot fail, therefore, to interest our attention." At the word "wish," Mr. GILES proposed to insert these words: "and by all honorable means to preserve peace, and restore that harmony and affection which have heretofore so happily subsisted between the French Republic and this country;" and strike out the words that follow "wish" in that paragraph. He said, his reasons for moving this amendment were to avoid its consequences. He really wished the report entirely recommitted, as there were many objec-pose ourselves what we are not. tionable parts in it. He had been very seriously impressed with the consequences that would result from a war with the French Republic. When I reflect, said Mr. G., on the calamities of war in general, I shudder at the thought; but, to conceive of the danger of a French war in particular, it cuts me still closer. When I think what many gentlemen in mercantile situations now feel, and the dreadful stop put to commerce, I feel the most sincere desire to cultivate harmony and good understanding. I see redoubled motives to show the world that we are in favor of a preservation of peace and harmony. Mr. W. SMITH said, he should not object to the amendment; but he thought it only an amplification of a sentiment just before expressed. He did not see any advantage in the sentiment as dilated, nor could he see any injury which could accrue from it. He hoped every gentleman in the House wished as sincerely for the preservation of peace as that gentleman did. On the Chairman's reading the last paragraph except one in the report, which reads thus: "The spectacle of a whole nation, the freest and most enlightened in the world," Mr. PARKER moved to strike out the words in italic. Although, said he, I wish to believe that we are the freest people, and the most enlightened people in the world, it is enough that we think ourselves so; it is not becoming in us to make the declaration to the world; and if we are not so, it is still worse for us to sup Mr. AMES wished to know of the gentleman from Virginia, whether he meant to strike out the latter part of this paragraph; if he did, he would object to it. Mr. GILES said, he did not mean to strike out any more of this paragraph. Mr. AMES wished it not to be struck out. By the amendment to strike out, we show the dependance we place on the power and protection of the French. While we declare ourselves weak by the act, we lose the recourse to our own patriotism, and fly, acknowledging an offence never committed, to the French for peace. He hoped the gentleman would be candid upon this occasion. Mr. GILES said, he only wished this House to express their most sincere and unequivocal desire in favor of peace, and not merely to leave it to the PRESIDENT. He said, he had spoken upon this occasion as he always had done on this floor. He always had, and he hoped always should, state his opinions upon every subject with plainness and candor. The amendment passed unanimously. Mr. GILES then proposed an amendment to the latter part of the same paragraph, which would make it read thus: "We cherish the pleasing hope that a spirit of mutual justice and moderation will insure the success of your perseverance." The amendiment was to insert the word "mutual." He thought we ought to display a spirit of justice and moderation as well as the French. This amendment, he thought, would soften the expression, 4th CoN.-53 Mr. HARPER said, he had a motion of amendment in his hand which would supersede the necessity of the last made, which, if in order, he would propose: it was to insert words more simple. He thought the more simple, the more agreeable to the public ear. His amendment, he thought, would add to the elegance and conciseness of the expression. He did not disapprove of the Address as it now stood, but he thought it might be amended. This, he said, would add to the dignity, as well as to the simplicity of the expression. He thought it would be improper to give too much scope to feeling: amplitude of expression frequently weakens an idea. in the amendments proposed by the gentleman Mr. GILES said he saw many objectionable parts just sat down. He wished to strike out two paradeed, he wished the whole to be recommitted, that graphs more than Mr. HARPER had proposed; inof the House in general, and not less agreeable to it might be formed more congenial to the wishes the person to be addressed. Mr. SMITH observed, that, as the Answer had been read by paragraphs nearly to the close, he thought it very much out of order to return to parts so distant. The Chairman said that no paragraph on which an amendment had been made could be returned to; but where no amendment had been made, it was quite consistent with order to propose any one gentleman may think proper. Mr. HARPER thought the maxim recommended in private life might be very applicable to us at this time, which is, Never to leave till to-morrow what can be as well done to-day. He was quite opposed to a recommitment, and his reason was, that the House at this time is quite competent to adopt all the necessary amendments. In cases of law, when evidences are to be collected in order to prove facts, it may sometimes be proper to delay; but here is no such thing. The Committee of the Whole can as well amend it as a select committee. Surely it may be made more complete by a large number than by a small. We have every means of information, and full power to do it now, and a delay is quite unnecessary. There are no points now unknown to the House; we are in possession of a complete knowledge of the whole, and can now form our minds on it; it is simple matter, on which we can soon decide. He hoped we should speedily conclude, on a subject |