which Junius will rest his resentment;" and the public are to oppose the measures of government from mere motives of personal enmity to the sovereign! These are the avowed principles of the man who, in the same letter, says, "If ever he should be convinced that I had no mo"tive but to destroy Wilkes, he shall then be ready to "do justice to my character, and to declare to the world "that he despises me somewhat less than he does at pre"sent!" Had I ever acted from personal affection or enmity to Mr. Wilkes, I should justly be despised; but what does he deserve, whose avowed motive is personal enmity to the sovereign? The contempt which I should otherwise feel for the absurdity and glaring inconsistency of Junius, is here swallowed up in my abhorrence of his principles. The right divine and sacredness of kings is to me a senseless jargon. It was thought a daring expression of Oliver Cromwell in the time of Charles the First, that if he found himself placed opposite to the King in battle, he would discharge his piece into his bosom as soon as into any other man's. I go farther: had I lived in those days, I would not have waited for chance to give me an opportunity of doing my duty; I would have sought him through the ranks, and, without the least personal enmity, have discharged my piece into his bosom rather than into any other man's. The king whose actions justify rebellion to his government, deserves death from the hand of every subject. And should such a time arrive, I shall be as free to act as to say: but till then, my attachment to the person and family of the sovereign shall ever be found more zealous and sincere than that of his flatterers. I would offend the sovereign with as much reluctance as the parent; but if the happiness and security of the whole family made it necessary, so far, and no farther, I would offend him without remorse.

But let us consider a little whether these principles of Junius would lead us. Should Mr. Wilkes once more commission Mr. Thomas Walpole to procure for him a pension of one thousand pounds upon the Irish establishment for thirty years, he must be supported in the demand by the public because it would mortify the king!

Should he wish to see Lord Rockingham and his friends once more in administration, “ unclogged by any stipu

R

lations for the people," that he might again enjoy a "pension of one thousand and forty pounds" a-year, viz. from the "First Lord of the Treasury" 5001. from the "Lords of the Treasury," 601. each; from the "Lords " of Trade," 401. each, &c. the public must give up their attention to points of national benefit, and assist Mr. Wilkes in his attempt-because it would mortify the king!

Should he demand the government of Canada, or of Jamaica, or the embassy to Constantinople, and in case of refusal, threaten to write them down, as he had before served another administration, in a year and a half, he must be supported in his pretensions, and upheld in his insolence because it would mortify the king!

Junius may choose to suppose that these things cannot happen! But that they have happened, notwithstanding Mr. Wilkes's denial, I do aver. I maintain that Mr. Wilkes did commission Mr. Thomas Walpole to solicit for him a pension of 10001. on the Irish establishment for thirty years; with which, and a pardon, he declared he would be satisfied: and that, notwithstanding his letter to Mr. Onslow, he did accept a clandestine, precarious, and eleemosynary pension from the Rockingham administration; which they paid in proportion to, and out of their salaries and so entirely was it ministerial, that as any of them went out of the ministry, their names were scratched out of the list, and they contributed no longer. I say, he did solicit the governments, and the embassy, and threatened their refusal nearly in these words :--" It 66 cost me a year and a half to write down the last ad“ministration; should I employ as much time upon you, very few of you would be in at the death."

When

these threats did not prevail, he came over to England to embarrass them by his presence: and when he found that Lord Rockingham was something firmer, and more manly than he expected, and refused to be bullied into what he could not perform, Mr. Wilkes declared, that he could not leave England without money; and the Duke of Portland and Lord Rockingham purchased his absence with 1001. apiece, with which he returned to Paris. And for the truth of what I here advance, I appeal to the Duke of Portland, to Lord Rockingham, to Lord John

Cavendish, to Mr. Walpole, &c.-I appeal to the handwriting of Mr. Wilkes, which is still extant.

Should Mr. Wilkes afterwards (failing in his wholesale trade) choose to dole out his popularity by the pound, and expose the city offices to sale, to his brother, his attorney, &c. Junius will tell us, it is only an ambition that he has to make them chamberlain, town-clerk, &c. and he must not be opposed in thus robbing the ancient citizens of their birthright-because any defeat of Mr. Wilkes would gratify the King!

Should he, after consuming the whole of his own fortune, and that of his wife, and incurring a debt of twenty thousand pounds, merely by his own private extravagance, without a single service or exertion all this time for the public, whilst his estate remained; should he at length, being undone, commence patriot, have the good fortune to be illegally persecuted, and in consideration of that illegality, be espoused by a few gentlemen of the purest public principles; should his debts (though none of them were contracted for the public) and all his other encumbrances be discharged; should he be offered 6001. or 10001. a-year, to make him independent for the future; and should he, after all, instead of gratitude for these services, insolently forbid his benefactors to bestow their own money upon any other subject but himself, and revile them for setting any bounds to their supplies; Junius (who, any more than Lord Chatham, never contributed one farthing to these enormous expences) will tell them, that if they think of converting the supplies of Mr. Wilkes's private extravagance to the support of public measures→→→ they are as great fools as my grandmother: and that Mr. Wilkes ought to hold the strings of their purses-" as long as he continues to be a thorn in the king's side!"

Upon these principles I never have acted, and I never will act. In my opinion, it is less dishonourable to be the creature of a court, than the tool of a faction. I will not be either. I understand the two great leaders of opposition to be Lord Rockingham and Lord Chatham; under one of whose banners, all the opposing members of both Houses, who desire to get places, enlist. I can place no confidence in either of them, or in any others, unless they will now engage, whilst they are OUT, to grant cer

tain essential advantages for the security of the public, when they shall be IN administration. These points they refuse to stipulate, because they are fearful lest they should prevent any future overtures from the court. To force them to these stipulations, has been the uniform endeayour of Mr. Sawbridge, Mr. Townsend, Mr. Oliver, &c. and THEREFORE they are abused by Junius. I know no reason but my zeal and industry in the same cause, that should entitle me to the honour of being ranked by his abuse with persons of their fortune and station. It is a duty I owe to the memory of the late Mr. Beckford, to say, that he had no other aim than this, when he provided that sumptuous entertainment at the Mansion-house for the members of both Houses in opposition. At that time he drew up the heads of an engagement, which he gave to me, with a request that I would couch it in terms so cautious and precise, as to leave no room for future quib. ble and evasion; but to oblige them either to fulfil the intent of the obligation, or to sign their own infamy, and leave it on record: and this engagement he was determined to propose to them at the Mansion-house, that either by their refusal they might forfeit the confidence of the public, or by the engagement lay a foundation for confidence. When they were informed of the inten tion, Lord Rockingham and his friends flatly refused any engagement; and Mr. Beckford as flatly swore, they should then "eat none of his broth;" and he was determined to put off the entertainment: But Mr. Beckford was prevailed upon by to indulge them in the ridiculous parade of a popular procession through the city, and to give them the foolish pleasure of an imaginary consequence, for the real benefit only of the cooks and pur

veyors.

It was the same motive which dictated the thanks of the city to Lord Chatham; which were expressed to be given for his declaration in favour of short parliaments; in order thereby to fix Lord Chatham at least to that one constitutional remedy, without which all others can afford no security. The embarrassment, no doubt, was cruel. He had his choice either to offend the Rockingham party, who declared formally against short parliaments; and with the assistance of whose numbers in both houses, he

must expect again to be minister; or to give up the confidence of the public, from whom finally all real consequence must proceed. Lord Chatham chose the latter: and I will venture to say that, by his answer to those thanks, he has given up the people, without gaining the friendship or cordial assistance of the Rockingham faction; whose little politics are confined to the making of matches, and extending their family connections, and who think they gain more by procuring one additional vote to their party in the House of Commons, than by adding their languid property and feeble character to the abilities,of a Chatham, or the confidence of a public.

Whatever may be the event of the present wretched state of politics in this country, the principles of Junius will suit no form of government. They are not to be tolerated under any constitution. Personal enmity is a motive fit only for the devil. Whoever, or whatever is sovereign, demands the respect and support of the people. The union is formed for their happiness, which cannot be had without mutual respect; and he counsels maliciously, who would persuade either to a wanton breach of it. When it is banished by either party, and when every method has been tried in vain to restore it, there is no remedy but a divorce: But even then he must have a hard and a wicked heart indeed, who punishes the greatest criminal, merely for the sake of the punishment; and who does not let fall a tear for every drop of blood that is shed in a public struggle, however just the quarrel..

JOHN HORNE,

LETTER LIV..

SIR,

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER,

Aug. 15. 1771,

I OUGHT to make an apology to the Duke of Grafton, for suffering any part of my attention to be diverted from his Grace to Mr. Horne. I am not justified by the similarity of their dispositions. Private vices, however detestable, have not dignity sufficient to attract the censure of the press, unless they are united with the power of doing some signal mischief to the community,