The despatches reached Lord Lyons at Washington during the night of the 18th, and up to the 21st, it is announced, our ambassador had presented not merely no ultimatum, but no despatches at all to the Cabinet of Washington. But, as will be seen from the above statement, under any circumstances, it was not till the 22d ultimo that Lord Lyons was to present the ultim

atum.

ural irritation has been expressed at the shipments of raw cotton from Liverpool to Boston and New York, which are now going on to some extent. It is monstrous, people say, to permit the Northern States at the same time to prevent us from receiving cotton and to drain it away from us,-to compel us to put our mills upon short time, and yet to obtain from us the material which enables them to work full time,-to prevent us from purchasing one article by the blockade, and from selling another by the Morrill Tariff. It certainly does seem staggering at first sight; but it cannot be helped, nor, thus far, has any great harm been done. The enormous Government demand in the United States, aided by their protectionist laws, enables the Lowell manufacturers still to work to a profit, and to pay almost any price for the raw material. The cotton which is worth 12d. a lb. to-day in Liverpool question,-asking him if he thought there is worth 18d. at New York. The profit chiefly is pocketed by the British merchant, Only sixteen thousand bales, however, had been thus sent up to the end of 1861; though larger lots are now in process of shipment."

The Press says: "Along with the formal ultimatum, Lord Lyons received instructions to keep the ultimatum for awhile in reserve, and only to present it in the event of the failure of his personal remonstrances. Three days were to be allowed before the final document was to be presented; during which time, it was calculated, the Cabinet of Washington would become aware of the true state of the case, without the ultimatum being of ficially communicated to them. Bringing the case verbally before the Cabinet, Lord Lyons was to employ argument and reason to procure reparation, and for three days to press his claims earnestly and courteously. Meanwhile the contents of the mail would be

come known to the American Government

and people. The export of saltpetre and the material of war stopped at our ports-one fact. An army sent to Canada-another fact. Manifestly England is in earnest. And then the announcement of the resolute policy of our Government as announced in the Times, and the hearty approval which that policy met with on the part of the British people. It was calculated that these influences would produce their full effect within the three days. If they failed, on the fourth day Lord Lyons was to present the ultimatum, requiring the restoration of the prisoners to British protection within seven days, or else his passports.

"These instructions explain a portion of the intelligence brought by the last mail which would otherwise seem unaccountable. THIRD SERIES. LIVING AGE. 826

"We have also to state that, while forwarding these instructions to our ambassador, Lord Palmerston lost no time in disabusing the mind of the American Minister in London of the idea-naturally produced by the rabid war-articles in some of our journals— that England was eager to engage in hostilities with his country. The veteran Premier took care to apprise Mr. Adams that any proposal for arbitration was out of the

was any room for arbitration in a case where one man received a slap in the face from another without any provocation. Still more, in order to show how groundless were the suspicions of the Cabinet of Washington that the British Government was desirous of inthe Premier made known to Mr. Adams that tervening in favor of the seceding States, so early as June the French Government proposed to our government to recognize the independence of the Confederate States (a proand that, both then and since, our governposal which was made through M. Fould); ment had refused to take any such course,although the industrial interests of the counsuch a measure, and the very origin of the try, as of France, were entirely in favor of United States would have debarred the Cabinet of Washington from taking exception to such a policy on the part of England. These

statements of Lord Palmerston were imme

diately communicated by Mr. Adams to his Government; so that, at the very outset of Cabinet of Washington, the latter would be the negotiation between Lord Lyons and the informed of this proposal of the French Government, and would see in it a proof that they need expect no aid from France, and in our refusal of it, the most perfect demonstration of the sincere desire of England to remain neutral in the contest between North

and South.

there is good hope of a pacific settlement of possible, and even probable, that before these the question."

66

6

lines meet our reader's eyes, the news of the Africa may be superseded by the more conThe Saturday Review says: According clusive reports of a later packet. In the to the latest reports from Ameriea, the Con- mean while, however, we may be allowed to federate commissioners are to be given up; remark that the most recent accounts suband although the statement is positively stantially confirm the anticipations we excontradicted, the surrender is made more pressed in our article of last week, on the probable by the admission of the New York Prospects of Peace.' The considerations papers that it is not beyond the power of the which we pointed out as likely to effect the Government. All the accounts, while they American decision seem to have had their open a doubtful prospect of peace, throw un- full effect on the transatlantic mind. It is usual light on the most effectual means of true, as has been observed, that we have as securing it. When it was first known at yet no authoritative expression of official New York and Washington that the affair opinion. But the great source of apprehenof the Trent was under dispassionate consid- sion which lay in the violence of the press eration in this country, Federal opinion was and the mob, appears to have been considerdecided and unanimous against the surren- ably abated. The New York Herald, which der of the prisoners. It was, to the Ameri- is a very perfect mirror of the rowdy mind,' can mind, unintelligible that a whole nation begins-to use a colloquial phrase-to'sing should wait to ascertain its right before pro- small.' Bully and braggart as it is, it is ceeding to enforce it. The delay which was equally shameless in its bluster and its polnecessary for legal deliberation was unani- troonery. The New York Herald is undermously attributed to weakness and timidity, stood to enjoy the confidence of the Washand it never occurred to any northern politi-ington Foreign Office, and it certainly seems cian that, if the seizure of the commission- to be in all respects a very congenial repreers had been illegal, the wrong ought to be repaired, even though there were hopes that it might have been committed with impunity. That judicial calmness which has been incessantly recommended by the American faction in England had, in fact, been maintained as long as the merits of the question were under discussion, and the effect which it produced in America consisted in a general outburst of confident defiance. A few days later, the admirers of Captain Wilkes heard that the surrender of the prisoners was peremptorily demanded, and that England was arming in anticipation of a refusal. The ultimate decision is not yet known, but on the first receipt of the news the winds began to fall_and the threatening clouds to disperse. It was argued with much force that, if the Federal Government was wrong in taking the men, there was no disgrace in giving them up, and it was discovered that, as the despatches had reached England safely, the "disposition of the persons of the rebel envoys is a matter of secondary moment, and not worth a great international struggle." The House of Representatives, having previously passed some of the most scandalous votes on this subject which have ever degraded a representative assembly, refused, by a large majority, to confirm by a formal resolution its premature decision in favor of Captain Wilkes and his piratical proceedings."

The London Review says: "The public impatience is naturally intolerant of the delay in decisive intelligence from America. It is

6

sentative of its temper and policy. Of course an endeavor is made to cover the political Bull's Run. Mr. Seward, we are told, 'feels no apprehension of a rupture;' the Cabinet are calm and unruffled; the war panic in England is a bubble which is about to collapse.' In short, mine Ancient Pistol sees the necessity of eating his leek, and so he eats, but eke he swears.' What sauce the New York Herald and Mr. Seward may prefer for their savory dish is quite immaterial to us, and so long as they are prepared to swallow it, it signifies very little with how much swearing' they may choose to garnish the process.

"What is the particular course which the Washington Cabinet may take in order to salve over to themselves and their people the unpalatable duty which they feel to be inevitable, it is of course difficult to predict. That they will take the honest and manly course of at once and in a handsome manner making the reparation which they cannot and dare not refuse, nothing which we know of their antecedents permits us to hope. This, it is true, would be the really wise as the most magnanimous policy. It would produce a reaction in English and European opinion which might be of most essential service to the Northern cause. But Mr. Seward is not a man who has either the intellect or the heart for a policy at once sagacious and great. He is an adept only in those arts of low cunning which avoids a fair encounter with an adversary and seeks by astuteness and subterfuge to gain a petty advantage when he cannot hope to secure a

victory. If we find we have done injustice | York Times may lay to its soul, it seems to to the American Foreign Secretary in this have a very definite comprehension of the supposition we shall be happy to make him necessity of yielding to the English demands. amends when he has shown that he deserves There is but one sentiment,' we are told, it. In the mean while the policy suggested prevalent, and that is, that no quarrel with for him by his supposed organ is eminently England should be permitted to interfere at worthy of a second-rate provincial attorney, this moment, to stay the reduction of the We presume,' says the New York Herald, Southern rebels. It believes that it has no 'that Lord Lyons will forward his case in right to give life to the rebellion by entering one of those diplomatic notes of several col- on another and vaster quarrel, which would, umns in extent, and that an appropriate re- at the same time, increase tenfold the burply will demand an extension of the argu- dens on the people of the North, and it natment and so on until the issue of war shall urally hesitates to adopt a policy which would have melted away into an amicable arrange- carry joy to every traitor in the country, and ment.' We suspect that when the organ of weigh down to poverty the loyal and lawMr. Seward receives a communication of observing citizen.' In the opinion of the Lord Lyons' despatch, it will find that a New York Times, The disposition of the very small portion of one of its columns will person of rebel envoys is one of secondary suffice for its publication. It is now known moment, and a most inadequate one on which that the despatch was not to be formally de- to rest a great international struggle.' 'The livered till two days after its arrival, and administration,' we are reminded, is yet that seven days of grace were to be allowed uncommitted, and the language of Secretary for the final answer. The extension of the Willes, in his report and his letter to Capargument' is therefore confined to very defi- tain Wilkes, is rather professional and pernite limits. And if we are correctly informed, sonal than diplomatic, and in no degree Lord Lyons' instructions will not admit of binds the State Department.' What does any disputation at all; but if the categorical all this stuff mean except this, that America demand of an apology, and the surrender of will give in, not because she feels the justhe prisoners, is not complied with in the tice of the demand, or because she thinks it prescribed period, he will positively leave no dishonor to redress a flagrant wrong, but New York. The New York Herald is confi- that she must perforce capitulate, because dently informed that the British Govern- she cannot and she dare not resist. Such is ment will not make any exorbitant demand the spirit of the American people, and such upon the United States with reference to the is the language of the American press." seizure of the traitors.' The value of this information depends on what may be that journal's apprehension of the value of the epithet exorbitant.' If it flatters itself that the demand is anything short of the absolute and unconditional surrender of the captives, it will find itself, as it has often done before, most egregiously mistaken. The New York Times consoles itself by the reflection that 'the subject will not be settled without an important curtailment of the English pretensions to enforce a right of search, which she finds it so unpalatable to concede to other powers.' Whether the surrender of Messrs. Slidell and Mason will act as such a curtailment,' is a matter on which the New York Times is entitled to its own opinion. But we are very much mistaken if either Lord Lyons or the Foreign Office have the least intention of permitting the peremptory redress of a violent act to degenerate into an endless discussion on international law.

"But, whatever flattering unction the New

"The American people throughout the whole of this transaction have flagrantly rejected all considerations of right and of justice. While they thought they could do so with impunity, there was no limit to their exultation at an act of violence and wrong. When the retribution of their crime seems about to overtake them there is no subterfuge which they think too mean to shelter them from the penalty they have incurred. Whatever may be the issue of this affair it will leave on the national character of the American people the stigma of indelible disgrace. It will have shown that there is but one argument to which the moral sense of the American mind is amenable, and that is the argument of fear. For throughout the whole of this transaction they have, from the highest to the lowest amongst them, exhibited a mixture of brutality and poltroonery which makes them a just object of scorn and reprobation to the civilized world."

In the downhill of life, when I find I'm declin- Be it not seen in either of our brows

Now at the last gasp of love's latest breath, When his pulse failing, passion speechless lies,

With an ambling pad-pony to pace o'er the When faith is kneeling by his bed of death;

From the bleak northern blast may my cot be WHEN from the thunderous, lightning-flashing

The author's name was Collins. He was of the Lo! Sorrow's Sinai suddenly is seen. 17th Century. No more is known.

From The London Review.

it cost £60 per lb., while from the Alumin

APPLICATION OF ALUMINIUM TO PRAC- ium Works recently established at Newcas

TICAL PURPOSES.

tle, in our own country, it is now supplied THE constant appearance in our jewellers' at less than sixty shillings. Every step shops of fancy articles of aluminium is be- taken in the reduction of the prime cost of ginning to draw very general attention to a raw material widens the range of its adapthat valuable, but not admittedly precious, tibility to ornamental purposes in the arts metal. A few years ago (1855) small spec- or useful applications in the manufactures. imens were handed about and examined as It is malleable and ductile, being reducible curiosities from Deville the French chem- to very thin sheets, or capable of being ist's laboratory, and regarded with great in-drawn into very fine threads. In tenacity it terest. It is true it had been discovered is superior to silver, and in a state of purity eight and twenty years before (1827), by it is as hard. It files readily, and is an exProfessor Woehler, of Gottingen; but peo- cellent conductor of electricity, and combiple then heard the announcement of the nations of it with other metals have already elimination of the metallic base of clay, with been used with advantage. The most imlittle more than that ordinary indifference portant of these compounds is aluminiumwith which the description of a merely new bronze, formed of one part of aluminium element is commonly received. Deville, with nine of copper. This bronze possesses whose name is everywhere familiar for his great malleability and strength, Professor many valuable labors, however, in his inves- Gorden's experiments giving the following tigations of its characters, found that it relations of wires of the same diameter: possessed peculiar and curious properties, iron, 100; aluminium-bronze, 155; copper, and he unhesitatingly stated his impression 68. This immense tenacity and strength that it was a metal destined to occupy an confer on this bronze admirable qualities important position in the requirements of for the working parts of machinery where mankind as soon as the means could be found of obtaining it in manufacturable quantities.

In his first statements (1855) he drew attention to its power of resistance to all acids save hydrochloric, to its fusibility, its beautiful whitish-blue color, and the fact of its undergoing no change of lustre or color by the action of the atmosphere or of sulphuretted hydrogen. Its density, as low as glass, he foresaw would insure for it many special applications, while superior to the common metals in respect to the innocuousness of its compound with the feebler acids, and intermediate between them and the precious metals it was evidently a fitting material for domestic purposes. "And when it is further remembered," he added then, "that aluminium exists in considerable proportions in all clays, amounting in some cases to one-fourth of the weight of a very widely diffused substance, one cannot do otherwise than hope that sooner or later this metal may find a place in the industrial arts."

This prevision seems to be realizing itself every day, and a forcible proof of the rapid strides made in its economic production is afforded by a comparison of its past and present commercial prices. A few years ago

great durability is required, and notwithstanding its higher price than that of the ordinary metals, the quantity of aluminium required is so small, that it is said that practically the cost of the bronze does not exceed that of ordinary brass or gun-meta bearings.

Another property of aluminium is its extreme sonorousness, and this has also had very serviceable application in the construction of musical instruments. So highly sonorous is it that a mere ingot suspended by a fine wire emits, when struck, a clear and ringing sound.

The metal can be beaten out into leaves for gilding, or rolled in the same way as gold or silver, and it can be drawn out into wire fine enough for the manufacture of lace. It is also easily run into metallic moulds, or, for complicated objects, into moulds of sand. It is very finely susceptible of what is technically called "matting," by being plunged into a weak solution of caustic soda, and then exposed to the action of nitric acid. It is also easily polished or burnished by a polishing stone steeped in a mixture of rum and olive oil. When aluminium is soiled by greasy matters it can readily be cleaned with benzine. 'Soiled by dust only, india-rub