From The Examiner.

THE general opinion undoubtedly is that the Government dares not yield, but we still cherish the hope that when the attitude of this country is seen, with its powerful fleet ready for prompt action in the American waters, the fleeting wrath of a mob will seem a less danger to brave than a war with England, with its tremendous consequences present and future. It would probably be followed by the secession of the NorthWestern States, as much interested in supplying us with food as the South with cotton. And this would be the beginning of the end of the Northern Republic.

But supposing reparation to be made for the Trent outrage, and the prisoners to be restored safe from Lynch Law, which seems too natural a sequence to Wilkes Law, will it not be for the powers of Europe to consider whether the measures the North is taking against the South are consistent with the interests of civilization? Is it to be endured that the Federal Government shall eke out the inefficacy of its blockade by the detestable means described in this malignant passage respecting the fleet of vessels laden with stone to be sunk to choke up Southern

ports ?

1

in a petrified death-in-life, to point a moral or adorn a tale.'"-New York Times.

Will the civilized Christian world suffer a warfare carried to this fiendish pitch of destructiveness, choking up forever nature's channels of life, intercourse, and plenty? A blockade is an injurious interference with the business of nations, but it is temporary, and when the purpose is effected, or abandoned as impracticable, there is a return to the status quo ante; but this infernal expedient of the channel-choking is resorted to as permanently destructive, depriving a whole region of one of its natural outlets of production, and ruining its cities more effectually than by fire and sword, whose ravages may be repaired, not so those of this hellish device of malice, according to the calculation of its authors. Rivers are the highways of the world, and to destroy one of these means of communication is an injury to all, which should not be permitted to the malice of any power.

From The Spectator.

ENGLAND is waiting still, the Government providing against the worst contingency, and the people coldly resolved, whatever the cost, "The main ship channel leading to Sa- to maintain the national honor and internavannah is but two hundred and fifty yards tional law. There are no signs of impatience across in the narrowest place, and can be or anger or exultation; the press discusses perfectly barred by half a dozen of these the chances without concealing the points on vessels. Charleston harbor is equally cligi- which we may be allowed to be weak, and ble to the same treatment. Once sunk, these public speakers, without an exception, are old hulks become points for the accumulation of alluvials which the rivers bear down, and grave, regretful, and firm. The precise feelof the sands which the tides carry back. ing was, perhaps, most exactly expressed by There is a natural tendency in such ports to Mr. Frederick Peel, who, on Thursday, told form obstructions, and all we have to do is, the people of Bury, that if the American as the physicians say, to assist nature.' Government were reasonable, England should Becoming thoroughly imbedded in the sand, hear their reasons, but if they, acknowledgthese accumulations but advance with time, ing the wrong, still refused redress, she would forming unconquerable obstacles to re-open-maintain her right, which was also the coming the harbors, and establishing a blockade which the highest pressure diplomacy of the mon right of civilized powers. Mr. Horsworld will be utterly powerless to raise.' man, at Stroud, though his speech was most It must be confessed there is something self-contradictory in argument, laid down wonderfully gratifying in this silent, resist- the same principle, and Mr. Fitzgerald, while less piece of Rhadamanthean justice. The promising the support of the Tories, if neccalmness of the method is fine, and a chef; essary, still hoped for reasonable concessions. d'œuvre in its way; no vulgar theatrical At Guilford, men of all parties exhibited a vengeance, no laying of the city in ashes, similar spirit of calm decision. Mr. Briscoe as those heated braggarts of Charleston threatened, but a silent blight falling on (Liberal) would rejoice if the Washington them as though out of the night-deadly, in- Cabinet disavowed Captain Wilkes, and Mr. evitable-and leaving those perfidious cities G. Cubitt (Tory) "hoped for the best though

can only mourn. But if we take up this po sition through any undue sensitiveness and pique of our own, we shall stain the name of England with responsibility for a political evil deeper and more hideous than any with which Warren Hastings ever loaded her.

And now, when every mail brings proof that the cause of true liberty is gaining head in the North, that they wish to fight for human freedom and not merely for the Fed

he was prepared for the worst," while even Mr. Onslow, who lately confessed himself a delegate, that worst form of Radicalism, though he detested war, would "not calmly stand by and see the Government submit to an intentional insult." This tone is universal, and our only fear is lest the utter absence of clamor, the steadfast reliance on the courage of governing men, should be mistaken by Mr. Seward, as it has been by the London American, for dread of war. Military preparations continue uninter-eral Government and its empire, we are in rupted. The dockyards and arsenals are in full activity, and Armstrong guns have already been shipped for Canada. A corps d'armée, numbering twelve thousand men, with batteries, commissariat, and military train complete, are under orders, and will sail this week, whatever the American reply. Canada, with Mr. Seward in power, can no longer be left defenceless, and means have been provided to arm all volunteers whom the danger to the colony is sure to bring to the front. Invention is of course at work, and all the sledges sent are fitted with a new axle, by which the breadth between the wheels can be widened or contracted to fit any width of rut. The only arm not employed is cavalry, English troop horses being too thin-skinned to face a Canadian winter.

danger of being drawn by a cruel necessity into the cause of the South. No doubt, at present, it is the cause to which intellectual men incline. It has statesmen, it has a strength and a dignity of its own; its foreign policy will probably be far cooler and more respectable than that of the competing democracy. In short, it will be nothing if not a government. But we may be in danger of forgetting that all these things form after all but the shell of political life. What is the inward principle which the machinery of government subserves ? That is the test ing question. If both the hostile causes de velop as rapidly as they have recently done, we can answer it in a word. The whole end and aim of the Southern Government will be to strengthen the guard over slavery and the menial white class, in doing which they may long show a very dignified and respectable side to the outer world. The end and aim of the Northern Government will be to strengthen liberty, in doing which they may

pect to the outer world. But which of the two will England prefer, if there be any choice left her by grace of the Northern statesmen ?

While England is waiting with as much misgiving as hope for the decision to know from the United States, whether she is or is not to become the involuntary ally of slav-long show a very vulgar and undignified as ery, the great conflicting causes there engaged are gradually developing that sharpness of outline and precision of character which mark the maturer stages of every real battle of principle. The principles on both sides are casting away those accidental adhesions which have perplexed half-observant, and deceived unobservant eyes, and revealing their essential character. It is well, while we wait our own issue, to fix them distinctly in our minds, for though we see no escape from the impending war if the American Government proves irritable and obstinate, yet should it exhibit any really cordial and bond fide wish to give us ungrudgingly our full rights, we should deem it not only a great disaster, but a national sin to refuse such overtures. If our national duty compels us to be the involuntary ally of the South, we

Paris Correspondence of the London Review, Of course people here think a great deal of the Anglo-American question, though not perhaps so much as you do in England, but the tone in which it is spoken of is altering rapidly. The first frenzy of love and affec tion for us, which was shown by the "inspired " journals, is considerably abated, and has given place to a somewhat different sort of language; and, perhaps, the whole matter may not be very hard to explain: the Emperor Napoleon-as I have labored to convince

"Will peace or will war best help us out of this?" That is the question men ask each other just now in high Imperialist circles, and there is more than a doubt as to the answer. The only measure of the Emperor's hesitation in all this, will be the extent of his hope or of his despair. As long as he can play any other card he will not play the war-card, but that card is nevertheless his last. Of that no one of any party in France has the shadow of a doubt. Whether the time has already come for playing the last card-for risking all upon one grand supreme chance - events will teach. For the moment, I fancy perfect neutrality will be the line adopted, and for a time it will be genuinely adhered to. France will keenly and narrowly watch the incidents of the coming conflict (if unluckily it should come), and she will shape her course accord- us just now. ing to what she believes to bo her own im

From The Examiner.

LOOK BEFORE YOU LEAP.

fiend in their own breasts, but catch with eagerness at every incident that has in it the BEFORE another week has elapsed, we promise of sanguinary conflict. It were shall know the answer of the Federal Gov- worse than idle to deny that men of this sort ernment to the demand made by ours, for are too often found occupying positions in the restoration of the Southern emissaries society and in the State, that renders them taken from on board the Trent. We have influential for evil. Government is beset by never doubted what that answer would be in their sinister importunities, and urged by substance, although as to its form we have their violent councils. We dare say it is so wasted no words in conjecture. Mr. Seward in Washington; we know it is so here; and is a rhetorician, and the case is too tempting we should betray our highest trust if we an opportunity for talk, to be suffered to pass failed to warn betimes all whom it may conunused. And considering the difficulty of cern of the danger. What is the danger? the position, we must own that apt and plau- Not that any Administration will seek to sible words will prove to be worth some- plunge their country into a war during which thing after all, if they facilitate the libera- every blow inflicted must recoil on him who tion of Messrs. Slidell and Mason from Fort gives it; but that an Administration, howWarren. The heroes of classic verse, when ever temperate and wise, may be involuntasore pressed in battle, were generally made rily drawn into exciting controversies on away with, in a cloud, by the timely inter- subjects that ought to afford no room for convention of some tutelary divinity; and if the troversy at all: and that out of such contenAmerican Secretary of State can envelop tions war at any moment may suddenly the question in such an elusive mist of words, spring. The present difficulty we hope and as will enable the right thing to be quietly trust will be got over; but the permanent done, we shall not trouble ourselves to crit-danger of a breach between this country and icise too nicely the manner in which it has been effected. The one thing needful is the vindication of the inviolability of our flag, by the restitution of those who were forcibly taken from under its protection; and the justice of our demand in this respect being once admitted, we shall be only too glad if the affair be made the occasion for a permanent settlement of the controversy so long pending as to the maritime rights of belligerents and neutrals.

It is deeply to be regretted that this has still to be done. The feverish spirit manifested among certain classes of the community since the commencement of this unfortunate discussion, warns us of the latent peril to which we are exposed, by suffering questions of such gravity to remain unsettled. To the end of time offences will come; but woe unto them through whose neglect or obstinacy they are wantonly allowed to come. Let us speak plainly what we mean, for 'tis in truth a time for speaking plain. There are amongst us, as there are in every community, men who care not how soon the blast of war is heard, many perhaps deceive themselves with the idea that they are animated only by a special zeal for the honor of their country: many more, we fear, are not even at the pains to try to juggle with the

America will not be set at rest thereby. For that two things are necessary,― the one, that controverted questions of neutrality, blockade, privateering, and contraband should be disposed of speedily and forever; the other, that a watchful spirit should be awakened throughout the community-to guard against precipitancy or passion whenever international difficulties arise. Government alone can discharge the former duty; the intelligent and thoughtful body of the community must perform the other.

Before we leap into the gulf let us look into its depths. We cannot see very far into the abyss, but we can discern quite enough, if we have reason or conscience, to make us pause. Increased taxation and diminished employment meet us at the outset. A doubled income-tax, and augmented duties on the four great articles of consumption left in the tariff, are necessary preliminaries to which we must make up our minds. There is an end, thank God, in this country to paying for wars out of the pocket of posterity; and if our belligerent classes are to be indulged in the glory of a deadly struggle with a kindred nation whose institutions they happen to dislike, we, and not our children, must pay for it. But this is not all. Six months' blockade of the sea

ports of the Union would inflict no tempo- | the other side of the globe to encounter the rary blow on the vast and various commerce armaments of a nation kindred in blood, that for half a century has been carried on without interruption between the two countries. For every merchant and shopkeeper, agent and clerk injured on the other side of the ocean one of the same class must be similarly injured here, since trade is barter, and if it is forbidden to buy, it is likewise forbidden to sell. The butchery and rapine would come to an end within a definite time; but the consequences to international commerce would not end in our day. Protection and prohibition would no longer be an exceptional or subordinate error of American policy. It would become a fundamental maxim of the State; and no longer depending for sustainment on the greed of gain in a comparative few, it would strike its roots deeply and retentively in the nation's heart for national stability and independence would thenceforth be felt to depend on commercial severance from England. The best and most far-sighted men in America now repudiate the prohibitory system on political as well as economic grounds; but foresight and patriotism would plead the opposite cause with irresistible force were it once made plain that the stability of American trade and credit lay at the mercy, not of the people of England, but of a war-faring few whom they permitted to bully them. Look at it how we may, the disastrous results of such a fratricidal conflict exceed all power of calculation; and all we can be sure of is, that the first would not be the worst

language, and religion,—a nation with whom twice before we have maintained desperate and costly struggles, without being able to subdue? This is no question like that of 1854, when in alliance with France we sent our fleets and armies against Russia. This is no question like that of 1857, when, with the same ally, we sent out an invading force to China. If we should be betrayed or befooled into a war with the United States, France will stand by with grounded arms until she has seen us thoroughly committed in the affray; and then, though half a dozen transports were never mustered at Cherbourg, or half a dozen regiments brigaded together on the heights of Boulogne, though not a captious note were interchanged between Paris and London, or a provoking paragraph permitted to appear in the Constitutionnel, we should speedily find out the difference in our position as an arbiter of European peace. If, as we have stood the last five years and as we stand now, we are but strong enough and no more to be able to interdict ambitious schemes and aggressive projects, what will be the condition of Europe three months after a war of devastation between England and America had begun? Without imputing any bad faith to the absolute ruler of France, it must be palpable to all who choose to see, that such an altered state of facts would present to him, as well as to other absolute sovereigns, a temptation never tasted before. Treaties and conventions, and promises of neutrality, But there is another, and if possible a diplomatic or dynastic, are all very well in a graver view of the matter. For the last five speech from the throne, or an announcement years or more the people of England have from a ministerial organ, while as yet tranbeen told to arm by sea and land for self-quillity prevails. But the first broadside defence. Enormous sums have been de- from a British steel-clad frigate into a manded by Government from the people, American ship or fort would consume all and have been unmurmuringly paid by them, such phantom guarantees for the status quo for the express purpose of enabling England in Europe as so much chaff. The faith in to hold her own with the menacing might of our moral ascendency would pass away like France. Every day during that time the a dream; and if we were not prepared to nation has been told that not a shilling was sacrifice all the influence for good we have exacted unnecessarily; and that when year exercised for the last thirty years in the after year extra millions were spent on army, Councils of Christendom, we must prepare navy, and ordnance, we had not, after all, a to fight for its maintenance, inch by inch, in battalion, a ship, or a gun to spare. But every land and on every sea, from the Hel what is to become of the balance of power in lespont to the Sound, and from the Gulf of Europe if the flower of our army, and the Bothnia to Cadiz Bay. best of our vessels of war, are to be sent to

consequences.

an