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ports of the Union would inflict no tempo- the other side of the globe to encounter the rary blow on the vast and various commerce armaments of a nation kindred in blood, that for half a century has been carried on language, and religion,-a nation with whom without interruption between the two coun- twice before we have maintained desperate tries. For every merchant and shopkeeper, and costly struggles, without being able to agent and clerk injured on the other side of subdue ? This is no question like that of the ocean one of the same class must be 1854, when in alliance with France we sent similarly injured here, since trade is barter, our fleets and armies against Russia. This and if it is forbidden to buy, it is likewise is no question like that of 1857, when, with forbidden to sell. The butchery and rapine the same ally, we sent out an invading force would come to an end within a definite time; to China. If we should be betrayed or bebut the conscquences to international com- fooled into a war with the United States, merce would not end in our day. Protec- France will stand by with grounded arms tion and prohibition would no longer be an until she has seen us thoroughly committed exceptional pr subordinate error of American in the affray; and then, though half a dozen policy. It would become a fundamental transports were never mustered at Chermaxim of the State ; and no longer depend- bourg, or half a dozen regiments brigaded ing for sustainment on the greed of gain together on the heights of Boulogne, though in a comparative few, it would strike its not a captious note were interchanged beroots deeply and retentively in the nation's tween Paris and London, or a provoking heart: for national stability and independ- paragraph permitted to appear in the Conence would thenceforth be felt to depend on stitutionnel, we should speedily find out the commercial severance from England. The difference in our position as an arbiter of best and most far-sighted men in America European peace. If, as we have stood the now repudiate the prohibitory system on last five years and as we stand now, we are political as well as economic grounds; but but strong enough and no more to be able foresight and patriotism would plead the to interdict ambitious schemes and aggresopposite cause with irresistible force were it sive projects, what will be the condition of once made plain that the stability of Ameri- Europe three months after a war of devastacan trade and credit lay at the mercy, not tion between England and America had beof the people of England, but of a war-faring gun? Without imputing any bad faith to few whom they permitted to bully them. the absolute ruler of France, it must be palLook at it how we may, the disastrous re- pable to all who choose to see, that such an sults of such a fratricidal conflict exceed all altered state of facts would present to him, power of calculation; and all we can be sure as well as to other absolute sovereigns, a of is, that the first would not be the worst temptation never tasted before. Treaties consequences.

and conventions, and promises of neutrality, But there is another, and if possible a diplomatic or dynastic, are all very well in a graver view of the matter. For the last five speech from the throne, or an announcement years or more the people of England have from a ministerial organ, while as yet tranbeen told to arm by sea and land for self- quillity prevails. But the first broadside defence. Enormous sums have been de- from a British steel-clad frigate into an manded by Government from the people, American ship or fort would consume a!! and have been unmurmuringly paid by them, such phantom guarantees for the status quo for the express purpose of enabling England in Europe as so much chaff. The faith in to hold her own with the menacing might of our moral ascendency would pass away like France. Every day during that time the a dream ; and if we were not prepared to nation has been told that not a shilling was sacrifice all the influence for good we have exacted unnecessarily; and that when year exercised for the last thirty years in the

year extra millions were spent on army, Councils of Christendom, we must prepare navy, and ordnance, we had not, after all, a

to fight for its maintenance, inch by inch, in battalion, a ship, or a gun to spare. But

every land and on every sea, from the Helwhat is to become of the balance of power in lespont to the Sound, and from the Gulf of Europe if the flower of our army, and the Bothnia to Cadiz Bay. best of our vessels of war, are to be sent to




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From The Spectator. ters, had not taken any action in the quesTHE PROSPECTS OF PEACE AND THE tion, and was vaguely believed to be unfaWISH FOR WAR.

vorable to that rash act, while there is every THE President's Message has by no means reason to hope that the Admiralty order was settled the moot question on which so many one of those isolated departmental impulses, lives, and probably so many liberties, de- unapproved by the Cabinet as a whole, of pend. The issue between the United States which we have recently had so many inand Great Britain is, to use Lord Russell's stances. Certainly, if Mr. Lincoln had invaluable and really needful idiom, “con- wished to mark his approval of what had spicuous by its absence,”—from which, as been done, he would also have wished to the bias may happen to lead them, men ar- elicit popular support for his policy, in which gue almost what they will. That there are case a paragraph in the Message might have those who wilfully shut their eyes to all roused the whole Union to enthusiastic defichances of peace in the hope of rousing the ance of England. As this is not so-as the English nation to the red-hot temper in which Northern press, especially the Republican war is inevitable, we are but too sorry to per- organs, are in a very marked degree more ceive. Yet no one who considers the pres- friendly and pacific than they were—and as ent phase of the matter can ignore three very we have every reason to hope that the bankplain results : 1. That the President is at ers and the whole money interest of the least anxious not to appeal to popular pas- North, who are absolutely essential to the sions, but to retain the ultimate decision Government, would be horror-struck by a within the grasp of the Cabinet; 2. That rupture with England, we must conclude on his Cabinet is in earnest in the civil war, the whole that, so far as the tenor of the and is not, as has been suggested here, bent recent news from America bears upon the on finding in a rupture with England an ex- matter, we have, at least, a shade more hope cuse for hushing up the dispute with the of peace than we were able to entertain last South ; and, 3. That the slavery question- week. the touchstone of Northern sincerity in this

But while the American news is, at all conflict—is making rapid progress in the events, slightly more favorable to the hope North, as we have shown at length in an- of peace, it is perhaps at first sight less easy other column. Now, all these elements, in to decide whether the attitude of the Engthe most recent news from America, are, so lish people is so or not. If we could fairly far as they go, pacific. Mr. Lincoln's si- judge by the Times of the purpose of the lence leaves it in his power to yield, and nation, we should be forced to the conclurenders it more than probable that he will sion, not only that we are determined to go reply temperately and in a conciliatory spirit, to war if the American answer is a refusal even if he does not immediately yield. The of our demand, but that we wish it to be energy with which the Southern contest is unfavorable, and are anxious to leave no being carried on supplies the strongest pre-loop-hole for peace. It is curious that exsumption that he will not rashly paralyze all actly as the signs of a Northern crusade his efforts by bringing the English navy to against slavery have grown in number and sweep his feet from the seas, and to raise importance, has the eagerness of the leading the blockade of the Southern ports. The journal for a war increased. But we greatly ripening of the slavery question ought to mistake the symptoms of the popular temper enlist the sympathies of England so far at if the Times does in this respect represent least on the side of the North as to render the people. That any sign of a disposition us exceedingly unwilling to become, if we to hector England into the relinquishment can honorably help it, the allies of the slave- of an important right, or to deter her from owning oligarchy. The only items of news the discharge of a national duty, would that are unfavorable to these hopes are the oblige us to declare war, we are all assured. resolution of thanks to Captain Wilkes in But that the nation desires any opportunity, the Lower House of Congress, and the Ad- -at all erents, that it desires to avail itself miralty order approving of his conduct. of this most unfortunate opportunity,--for But, on the other hand, the Senate, which thrashing the North, is, we are certain, is the really important body on such mat- wholly false. Mr. Cobden may be mistaken


--we think he is—in recommending politi- But if they justify the act by the law of
cal arbitration as the true solution of the contraband, and express their sincere regret
quarrel. The question at issue between us for the irregularity of the way in which it
is a legal one, and it would be a very bad was enforced, we join issue on a legal differ-
precedent for the future to refer the inter- ence, and the violence is entirely disavowed.
pretation of international law to the judg. It is strange that the only paper which now
ment of any ordinary umpire, however im- refuses to hear of temperate discussion was
partial and honest. By the law we must be the very one which at first led the public to
judged, for it is the law to which we appeal; believe that the Americans had law on their
and if the law has not been violated, there side. The rapid change in the prospects of
is no case to discuss. But while thus far the slave question has, we fear, much to do
differing from Mr. Cobden, we must express with this change of tone. Nothing can be
our hearty conviction that the drift of pub- forgiven from the Government which con-
lic opinion is sincerely favorable to any templates emancipation.
bona fide reference of the legal question, On the whole, then, we are disposed to be
89 long as the United States Government more hopeful, we will not say much, but def-
evince a sincere desire to conform entirely initely more hopeful, than we were last week.
to the spirit of the law. Should they say, The causes for fear are still the same—the
for instance, that they do not justify the in- ignorant insolence of the lower democracy
formality of the seizure, and are heartily in America, and the craving for a war with
willing to refer the point at issue to any the vulgar North among the Torios, real and
legal tribunal with which England will be virtual, in England. The former may ren-
satisfied, we do not doubt for a moment that der the President's answer one which we
the English people would wish to close with cannot even consider ; the latter may make
such an offer, nor that the English Govern- it very difficult for us to get over any shade
ment would accept it. As regards the in- of unpleasant significance, real or fanciful
formality of the seizure by Captain Wilkes, even in such an answer as we could consider.
an apology is really all that is needful. The But, on the whole, we feel no doubt that the
injury to us is far less serious than it would contingencies of peace are cousiderable:
have been had the vessel been carried into that it is, if strictly consistent with law and
. a prize court, and though it is most impor- honor, the wish both of our Government

tant to establish the principle that questions and our people, and that the chances are
of law shall not be prejudged by nautical better than they were that a peaceful solu-
.common sense or nonsense, that point would tion, consistent with law and honor, will not
be established by the apology, and the sub- be rendered impossible by the arrogance of
sequent reference of the question at issue ; the North.
while we should gain by having the matter
judged by a better tribunal than that of the
American prize court.

From The Economist. In the event we have supposed, the whole The English nation is most anxious to do temper of the country-in this case very un- what is right, and to do no more, and the successfully indexed by the Times—would English Government is not less anxious. sanction the solution referred to; and the We mean to uphold the honor of England more so, that the anti-slavery drift, which quietly and firmly, at whatever cost, and the politics of the Federal Government are through whatever peril. But we would not now slowly but surely taking, makes all but even appear to force a quarrel upon the a very small knot of Englishmen more United States at a time of weakness and keenly conscious than ever of their uncon- rebellion. We would combine tenacity of querable reluctance to fight in effect for the resolve with suavity of manner. Even now Southern cause. It is simply absurd to say it is said that Lord Lyons is directed to with the Times that violent acts can only be impart the decisive and unfaltering instrucmet by violence. The whole question arises tions which have been sent him as mildly as to the violence or the legality of the act. and peacefully as possible. He is to tell them If tlie Federal Government avow the rio- at first to Mr. Seward informally, and to lence, cadet quæstio, and the Times is right. I allow an interval, though of course only a


brief one, to elapse before their final and the obstructions before their removal beofficial public communication. We shall comes impossible. Our naval squadron is demand our rights very firmly, but we shall said to be lying off Charleston. An admiral demand them also very quietly.

who did not shrink from responsibilityand we have had many such,—and they

have been our best men-would not have From The Press.

hesitated to interpose to prevent such an One of the criminal phases of Northern unrighteous and illegitimate measure of hosbelligerence which was commented upon tility. War or no war, it does not become with indignation in our columns a week ago us to permit a savage and barbarous work has since then, we are glad to see, been of this kind to be carried on under the prominently noticed and condemned in the “ leading journal.” We allude to the sav- issue of the question now pending at Wash

very eyes of our fleet. And whatever be the age and malignant object with wbich two ington, we trust that orders will be immesuccessive expeditions of “ stone-ships ” have diately transmitted to the British admiral on been directed against the coast and harbors the station to interpose at once, with our of the South. It is not an act of legitimate broadsides if necessary, to stay the work, war—it is not to assist the temporary block- and to assert alike the interests of the ade by checking sorties of ships of war. world's commerce and the rights of our These stone-laden hulks are to be sunk in

common humanity. the narrow channels leading in to Charleston and the various commercial ports of the South, with the avowed object of ruining SOMETHING LIKE MANNERS. those cities forever by closing their outlets

An Irishman, in the old days of Protesto the sea.

The hulks with their cargoes of tant Ascendency, was run over by a bishop's stones are to be sunk,-apparently have carriage, and merely inquired, in an humble already been sunk,—and it is calculated that manner, as he sat rubbing himself,

" What's the alluvial deposit brought down by the that for?” We feared that his docile race rivers will gather around them, forming an had become extinct, but the following adimpassable bar, and destroying forever the vertisement, which Mr. Punch cuts from a commerce of those " doomed cities ;” and provincial newspaper, shows that there are the Federal vessels of war are instructed to still persons who know how to behave keep watch over these obstructions, cease- respectfully under aggravating circumlessly sailing from one to another, to pre- stances :vent the Southerners from removing them,

“ GENTLEMAN RUN OVER IN CLAYTON till the accumulating sands have rendered SQUARE. If the Ladies who were in the the task impracticable. We lack words Carriage when it was driven over an old adequately to express our horror and indig- Gentleman in Clayton Square, on Monday nation at so diabolical a design. To secure last, between the hours of Twelve and One, for New York a monopoly of the commerce desire to know how he is, they are invited of the American continent, and to vent the to send to No. 34 Seymour Street.” rancorous malignity of the Federal Govern

Nothing can be more polite than this old ment, these Southern cities by the sea are to gentleman, and his delicate way of informbe reduced to desert places, and the jour-ing the ladies of his address savors of the nalists of New York proclaim their fiendish manners of the old school. We do not—no, exultation in the success of the project. This we will not—do such wrong to human natis not the hostility of men—it is the savagery ure as to suppose that he inserts the adof demons. We do not hesitate to say that vertisement under the advice of some fiend.

power is called upon, in the like attorney, who has failed to find out the interests alike of commerce, humanity, and address of the ladies, and hopes to catch civilization, to interpose. Duty and inter- them this way with a view to legal damages. est alike demand that so savage and ruthless No, we repudiate the thought. The affair is a project should be stopped, and that, where a bit of the manners of the high-bred school the initial mischief has already been done, of other days. There was to be a splendid 'immediate steps should be taken to remove masked ball, at the court of the excellent

every naval


Louis XIV., and all the world worth men- patriotic oratory has been delivered for some tioning was wrapped up in the costumes, years, with the happy consequences now beand dying for the splendid fête. A young fore the world. count, from Provence, was to be one of the 5. Several Platforms, forming a further most brilliant of the maskers. Three hours portion of the Stump machinery. before the fête, comes to him, dustily, a 6. The White House-name of “ Lincoln” servant from the provincial château, and on the brass plate. informs him that his lordship's father is 7. The coat in which Mr. James Gordon deceased. “You are a vulgar fellow, Fran- Bennett, editor of the New York Herald, was cois," blandly replies the young nobleman, whipped by Eleazar P. Growky. " and you judge the nobility by the standard 8. The coat in which Mr. James Gordon of the canaille. My father is too much of a Bennett, editor of the New York Herald was gentleman to die at such a moment. Come cowhided by Phineas X. Blazer. to me in the morning.” The old gentleman 9. The coat in which Mr. James Gordon of Clayton Square must surely be a de- Bennett, editor of the New York Ilerald was scendant of the high-bred young count. thrashed by Ebenezer V. Whopple. We hope he wasn't much hurt.-Punch. 10. A collection of nineteen whips with

which Mr. James Gordon Bennett, editor of THE AMERICAN EXHIBITION

the New York Herald, was at various times

flogged by nineteen slandered citizens. MR. Punch has great pleasure in an- 11. The boots with which Mr. James Gor. nouncing, in the most officious manner, that don Bennett, editor of the New York Herald, the directors of the International Exhibition was kicked by Epaminondas J. Buffer. have not forgotten the possibility of the ab

12. Six pairs of highlows, and five pairs or sence of Voluntary Contributions from the shoes, with which eleven other slandered citNorthern States of America. The subject izens have at various times annotated the has been taken into grave consideration, and editorial labors of Mr. James Gordon Bennegotiations have been entered into with the nett, editor of the New York Herald. Lords of the Admiralty and the Commander

13. Remains of the brandy-smash in which in-Chief, in order to the adoption of means Mr. Seward pledged himself to insult Engfor supplying this deficiency, should it un- land on the earliest opportunity, and the fortunately occur. Without entering into glasses from which his sixteen previous details,-as the whole arrangement may be brandy-smashes had been imbibed by that rendered unnecessary by the arrival of

statesman. Messrs. Mason and Slidell about the 28th

14. Flags of the Southern Confederacy, December,--Mr. Punch begs to say, that in captured by the Armies of the North. (Promthe event of the Federals declining to send ised conditionally only in the event of such contributions to the Exhibition, the space flags being discoverable.) now appropriated to such articles will be sup

15. The Declaration of Independence.—To plied through the exertions of gentlemen be reverently preserved, and returned to the connected with our naval and military ser- North when a statesman, worthy to fill the vice, and that among the Involuntary Con- place of George Washington, shall demand tributions from the North will be the follow- it. ing articles :

16. Specimens of Jerusalem Snakes, Ring1. The Falls of Niagara (American por-tailed Roarers, Regular Opossums, and other tion)-by the kind permission of the Cana- curiosities of American natural bistory. dian authorities, and to be returned when 17. A B’hoy. It will be interesting to donc with.

compare this animal with his superior, but a 2. The American Eagle.— The interesting member of the same genus, the Gorilla. animal will be provided with a large supply 18. Specimens of American Editorial of its natural food ; namely, Bunkum, to be Writings. (Disinfecting fluid will be found obtained from the offices of the New York in the same case, and labelled “ Common newspapers.

Sense.") 3. Several bottles of Hail of Columbia. 19. Secret Treaty for the Partition of Eng4. Curious assortment of Stumps, on which land between the Emperor of Russia, Mr.

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