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practical and immediate interest the declarations of neutrality put forth by England and France, and which have been published in Egidi's" Archives of State." According to the text of the declaration made by your Government every British subject is prohibited from compromising, by any act whatsoever, the character of a neutral State to which their country binds itself, and among the acts having such an effect is mentioned the carrying of despatches. The French declaration, dated June 8, enjoins that "the French people will have to refrain from any act which being committed in violation of the laws of the Empire, or of the law of nations, might be considered as an act hostile to one or the other of the two parties, and contrary to the neutrality which we have resolved to observe."

Looking, therefore, to the terms of these two declarations, we are led to regret that your Government should have treated the affair of the Trent as a question of form rather than on the substantial merits of the case, and that it should have adopted a course of policy which leaves the Cabinet of Washington little or no chance of any alternative in a conciliatory and pacific direction. At the same time I must not conceal from you that if the conflict is to issue in recognition of the Southern States by England, the impression produced by such a course throughout Germany will be of a painful character. We are warm partisans of slavery abolition, and the German emigrants, so numerous in the United States have brought these sentiments over with them to their adopted country. In support of this assertion I may point to a telegraph just received, stating that in New York eighty thousand Germans have expressed an opinion against going to war with England as it would bring about a recognition of the South, and consequently insure the triumph of the cause of slavery. Is it not also to be apprehended that the Government of Washington, at war at once with England and with the South, may, as a desperate resource, decree the emancipation of the blacks-a measure the consequences of which are fearful to contemplate ?

Correspondence of The Press. FRENCH OPINION.

Paris, Dec. 5. Of course the American affair is the principal subject of discussion in these parts. The French Government at first assumed with respect to it an attitude (as diplomatists say) which was friendly to your country. It admitted that the English flag had been

grossly outraged, and that England was not only justified in seeking ample reparation, even by arms if necessary, but was bound to obtain reparation, so as to prevent a repetition of the outrage either to herself or others. Nay, more; some people who pretended to be well informed affirmed that a very moderate degree of solicitation on the part of England would induce his Imperial Majesty to join her in putting aside the blockade of the Southern ports. But within the last two or three days a somewhat different view of the affair has been taken. The Yankees are considered not to have been so much in the wrong as was at first thought. The English Government is accused of having acted with precipitancy in resolving to demand an apology and the release of the captured envoys, before being acquainted with the American version of the facts. It is considered quite shocking that you should have already sent out ships and be preparing to send more to blaze away cannon against our loving "brothers across the Atlantic, instead of submitting to this new insult with as much patience as you have endured others; in a word, the old leaven of hatred to perfidious Albion is acting. Still, I do not apprehend that any harm will come of this. It is not the interest of the Emperor of the French to be on bad terms just now with England; and it is manifestly impolitic for him to declare for the "party" in the coming conflict which is sure to be thrashed. Moreover, he has even greater reason than England has to see the braggarts of the North put down; for France is in pressing need of cotton to keep her manufacturing population at work -a population which, as is known, makes the Government responsible for all the evils it suffers, and which when work runs scarce and distress comes, throws up barricades, and brings forth the secreted musket, orto use its own oft-repeated expression-is determined to "live by working, or die fighting." And it is only, of course, by smashing the North that cotton can be let loose.

I must not, however, disguise from you that if the Government were to gratify the inclinations of the bulk of the French people, or at least that chattering and noisy portion of them collected at Paris, it would adopt an unfriendly policy to England in this American affair. These people are delighted at the idea of your being engaged in war, because war, they say, will weaken you, even though a thing they dare not deny-it is morally certain to end in your triumph. If they could reasonably foresee defeat for you, they would not be sorry-au contraire: but as they cannot do that, they content themselves with visions of privateers capturing your merchant ships by the hundred, of Can

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ada being invaded, and of your exhausting men, ships, and money in a series of insignificant combats. And when, say they, you are weakened, then-then will be the time for the Emperor to pick a quarrel with you, and to attempt to execute the great enterprise which he is supposed to be nursing in that mysterious breast of his-the humiliation of England.

From The Saturday Review, 7 Dec.

PEACE OR WAR.

By an unfortunate accident, the Federal Congress assembled on the 4th of this mouth, and the President's message will have been delivered several days before the receipt of the English demands. If Mr. Lincoln has been prudent enough to pass over in silence That war between the States and Great the capture of the Southern commissioners, Britain is inevitable is the firm opinion here, he may still be at liberty to comply with the even in governmental circles. The States, requisitions of international law. The Senit is held, are certain to refuse what England ate or its Committee on Foreign Relations, requires, apologies for the insult to her flag, may perhaps waive its concurrent authority; and the surrender of the prisoners; and Eng- or, if it has the wisdom and patriotism to land, consistently with her own honor, and share the responsibility of a just concession, with the position she has taken up, cannot, it may protect the Executive against the it is thought, yield an inch. Poor old Gen- unpopularity which might otherwise be ineral Scott, the ex-chief of the Federal curred by the surrender of the prisoners. "army," has, to be sure, written a letter to There is, however, too much reason to fear the newspapers, in which he hints that perthat Mr. Seward may have persuaded the haps the United States would consent to give President to sanction and adopt the illeup the prisoners provided England would ef- gal act of Captain Wilkes. If the Governface the right of search from her maritime ment is once officially pledged to a wrongcode-and that by some such arrangement ful course, it will be difficult or impossible war might be avoided. But this worthy old afterwards to retract in the presence of the gentleman does not appear to understand ignorant and excited multitude. It seems, that England cannot stoop to the degrada- on the whole, probable that the outrage on tion of buying redress for an outrage. The the Trent was not directly planned by the French, moreover, believe war to be inevita- Government; but the announcement that ble, for the reason that England has, apart altogether from the Trent affair, many grave reasons for being anxious to chastise the Yankees, and they have the candor to admit that she could hardly hope for a more favorable opportunity of doing so, thoroughly and effectively, than the present. It is worthy of note that even the official Government journal the Moniteur speaks to-day of war

as almost certain.

In no

naval officers have been ordered to allow themselves considerable latitude in their dealings with English ships, indicates a desire, not so unintelligible as it is disgraceful, to provoke a wanton quarrel. other civilized country are professional politicians so much in the habit of pursuing objects of their own in disregard of the public interests. The members of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet, as their enemies assert, inThe French people are, as I have said, flicted a deadly injury on the Southern pleased at seeing you plunged into the diffi- States by inducing them to form a separate culties and dangers of war; but they overlook confederacy in which they would themselves the fact that they will themselves suffer griev- occupy a principal position; and Mr. Seward ously from it, even though they do not take may, in the same manner, consider a war part in it. By the conflict between the North- with England advantageous to himself, alern and Southern States their commerce has though he cannot but be aware that it is fallen off tremendously; and the coming ruinous to his country and his cause. war between the Northern States and Eng. the last moment, the Secretary of State land will of course close the former to their protested against coercive measures; and productions, and yet those States form one although he has, since the outbreak of hosof the principal markets they possess-the tilities, judiciously modified his language, principal, in fact, seeing that a large portion of French exports which are despatched to England, and are therefore supposed to be for English account, are in reality destined for the said States. The war, too, will of course diminish the purchasing powers of England, Germany, and other markets.

To

he may possibly never have changed his opinions. It was perhaps necessary to promise the people an early and certain conquest of the South, but intelligent men at the centre of affairs must long since have known that success was hopeless. Once or twice, Northern journals have inserted significant hints of Mr. Seward's inclination to abandon the enterprise; but the minority which perceives that submission is inevitable is not yet strong enough to avow its con

victions. The President and his Cabinet ican ports to cover the sea with privateers. cannot withdraw from the useless struggle Great suffering may be inflicted on the enwithout forfeiting their popularity, unless emy by blockades and isolated expeditions, some external compulsion furnishes them at but it will not be a war of great campaigns the same time with a sufficient excuse and or of brilliant victories. English admirals with the means of diverting attention from and generals will have nothing to fight for the South. In all similar embarrassments, but an honorable peace, and before they obthe traditional resource of American politi- tain it their successes may too probably cians is a quarrel with England. A foreign sow the seeds of interminable animosity. war solves all political difficulties in the There can be no peculiar sympathy between simplest manner. It breaks the blockade, England and the new Confederacy as long which cannot otherwise be decorously raised; as slavery is the basis of Southern instituit establishes the independence of the Con- tions, and while the revival of the slave federate States; it provides the army of the trade is an open question at Charleston and Potomac with an unanswerable reason for New Orleans. The statesmen of the South, not advancing to Richmond; and, above while they remained in the Union, bid against all, it explains, for all future time, the failure the demagogues of the North for popularity of the prophecies which have for several by constant vituperation of England. Their months amused the population of the North. great superiority in council and in arms has Like the great fire at Ravenswood Castle, since conciliated a respect which has been under the judicious management of Caleb withheld from their windy adversaries. Balderstone, a rupture with England will Their commercial theories are less narrow forever save Mr. Seward's credit as a states- and obnoxious than the corrupt selfishness "Where's the plate, the plenishing, of Pennsylvanian policy, nor is there any the family pictures ? ' All lost in the great reason why, if they abstain from the African 'How comea his lordship to be so slave trade, the Confederated States should poorly provided? What? haven't you not enjoy a profitable and friendly interheard of the fire?' All impertinent inquirers course with the country which first recogreceive the same answer-The fire, the fire, nised their belligerent rights. Yet the close the fire!'" So, when America and Europe alliance which must result from a joint warhereafter ask Mr. Seward for his boasted fare against the North would be in many Union, he will refer them to the fatal war ways embarrassing to the English Governwith England. The most splendid prospects ment. It is inconvenient to incur even a of victory, the certainty of an early and tri- seeming responsibility for acts which cannot umphant peace-all was lost in the calami-be controlled, while they may frequently not tous war. That accounts for all evaporated be approved. England, if she is forced into bluster and for all broken promises-the the war, will enter on the struggle without war, the war, the war! It is true Caleb Balderstone only burnt a heap of straw in the castle-yard, while his imitator will have to set the house itself on fire; but eloquent patriotism naturally leads to more serious sacrifices of the property of others than those which were prompted by the harmless vanity of an old family retainer.

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passion, as without hesitation; but the Confederates will simultaneously profit by the weakness of their enemies to exact vengeance for unpardonable wrongs. It would be idle to enumerate all the additional proofs which might be adduced that a war which is unanimously deprecated is in itself undesirable. Even the blatant journalists of New The choice of peace or war mainly rests York will perhaps discover, when it is too with the Government of Washington, but late, that the previous forbearance of Engsomething may possibly depend on English land was not suggested by fear of the irreopinion, and it is desirable that the little in- sistible strength of the North, and that the fluence which can be exerted on this side of war has been commenced, not from a desire the Atlantic should not be employed in en- to profit by the weakness of the Union, but venoming the dispute. A war with the Fed-in calm and unavoidable compliance with eral Union will only be undertaken because it has been rendered unavoidable. No con- The professed partisans of peace, as usual, test can be more repugnant to English feel- form an exception to the really pacific tenings, and even material interests enormously dency of general opinion. At a time when preponderate in favor of peace. The mere all classes are willing to abide by the strict increase in maritime insurance will almost rule of law, and to be contented with the barbalance the doubtful advantage of a sudden est technical satisfaction for an insulting outand enormous influx of Sea Island and New rage, the party which once derived its name Orleans cotton. There were never so few from Manchester exaggerates the rights of laden American vessels to capture, nor so belligerents, and protests against any atmany unemployed hulls and sailors in Amer-tempt to vindicate the national honor. The

the laws of duty and honor.

New York Herald, which only caricatures from the States. It is true that the colony the folly of its equally malignant rivals, dis- contains more than one race, and several poses of the difficulty by requesting the political parties, who may feel different dePresident to call out five hundred thousand grees of attachment to the English connecmore soldiers, and to build several hundred tion. The Roman Catholics of the Lower men-of-war. Any wavering on the part of Province stood aloof from the reception of the English Government would have been the Prince of Wales, and the Orangemen attributed to fear of the American Bobadil; of the West resented his discouragement of and yet the London advocate of the North- factious demonstrations; but the French ern States asserts that any attempt to resent Canadians have little sympathy with the the outrage on the British flag would be a grasping New Englanders; and the zealots cowardly attack on an opponent who is who have transplanted into a distant contitemporarily disabled. It is unwise to pro- nent the traditions of the Boyne will scarcely vide fresh fuel for the deep but restrained range themselves side by side with the patriindignation of Englishmen; but it is far otic Meagher. If the whole population is more dangerous to encourage American pre- not of one mind, it is nevertheless suffisumption. The writers who argue that am- ciently unanimous for practical purposes. bassadors may be taken from neutral ships The first American regiment which violates because Mr. Laurens was captured on his the frontier will remove all shades and disway to the Hague, in 1781, on board an tinctions of feeling by uniting all the North American packet, although they may not be American colonies against the insolent incapable of understanding a legal argument, vader. will be misled by the blundering apologies The Federal Government has found it of their English supporters. The blessing hitherto impossible to gain any serious adwhich is promised to peacemakers will vantage over five or six millions of enemies scarcely attend the mischievous busybodies who are politically embarrassed by the poswho foment quarrels by unseasonable exhor- session of slaves. The Confederates are tations to peace, when extremities can only subject to the danger of forcible emancipabe avoided by reparation and justice. tion, they are destitute of money and of allies, and they are excluded from maritime intercourse with the outer world. Canada, on the other hand, with three millions of inhabitants, and with no weak point in her social institutions, will be supported by all the resources of a power which will in turn IT is asserted on competent authority that blockade the Northern ports, and drive the Canada is loyal, and there is at least no rea- Federal fleets from the sea. As long as the son to suppose that the Canadians are mad. Southern war lasts, it will be almost imposIf they were anxious to be annexed by the sible for the Federal Government to mainNorthern Federation, they might almost cer- tain even a defensive force on the Northern tainly attain the object of their wishes; and frontier. Mr. Seward probably hopes to as long as they desire to retain their present make peace with the Confederate States by allegiance, they are perfectly capable of de- recognizing their independence under cover fending the position which must form the of the popular irritation against England; basis of their future independence. It is but even if he succeeds in his object, the not probable that they will wish to enclose negotiations must be long, and the Border themselves within the meshes of the Morrill States will require a military force to keep Tariff for the purpose of sharing the glory them in subjection until the innumerable and responsibility of conquering the insur-points of dispute are finally settled. Even gent South. When the founders of the if all the five hundred thousand men in the American Union were themselves engaged in an "unnatural rebellion," they failed in their attempt to force Canada into a similar revolt; and in the war of 1812, American ambition was again baffled by the loyalty of the colonists, although, as General McClellan lately observed, General Scott had the good fortune of "consecrating the soil of Canada with his blood." If war should unhappily break out, the imperial garrison will be largely strengthened, and the local militia and volunteers will be at least a match for any equal number of extemporized soldiers

From The Saturday Review, 7 Dec.
CANADA.

field were available for a still more wanton war, they could make little impression on such a country as Canada. North America, with its vast spaces, and its population of English descent, may be traversed, from time to time, by hostile armies, but it is not made to be conquered. The inhabitants will everywhere, in the long run, be stronger than the invaders; and in the supposed struggle the Canadians would have the aid of the only regular army on the continent, as well as of an irresistible navy. All the chances of success would be reversed if England

been unanticipated. It is enough for the present purpose to see that in all reasonable probability, Canada is not destined to satiate or stimulate the vanity of aggressive Americans. In former ages, the limits of States were regulated by dynastic combinations, or modified by the fortune of war. Prussia and Austria are the estates which certain families amassed in the course of generations. The Italy of the present day, on the other hand, unites from a sense of national unity. The Confederate States of America derive their origin from social and economical causes. Canada may either hold together by historical tradition, or split asunder for political reasons. A war between England and the Northern Union is more likely to postpone the change than to precipitate a separation.

were insanely meditating the conquest of a new territorial dismemberment of the American territory. In the struggle which Northern Federation. In the South-West, has, for eighty years, supplied the United Upper Canada joins the great States beyond States with inexhaustible materials of va- the Alleghanies, which will almost certainly poring, the English Government was en- throw off the yoke of the Protectionist mandeavoring to retain possession of its ancient ufacturers of Pennsylvania and Massachudominions. Notwithstanding its misman-setts. It is impossible and unnecessary to agement, the royal armies generally main- look forward to distant revolutions, dependtained their superiority in the field; but ent on causes which will probably have when they were gradually compelled to withdraw from the positions which they held, the independence of the colonies was practically complete. In future wars, English commanders will have no motive for engaging their troops deeply within a hostile territory. If the war proceeds, it may perhaps become expedient to set right the errors or frauds of diplomacy by rectifying the boundary lines in Maine and in Oregon, and a superiority in arms will also be profitably employed in closing the vexatious dispute about San Juan; but, in general England enters into the contest without a selfish impulse, for the purpose of coercing a rude and arrogant Government into the observance of national justice and courtesy. There will be little difficulty in applying the force which may be necessary for this purpose through the exclusive instrumentality of the fleet. No army will be required, except to assist in the defence of Canada; and the home garrisons can easily spare troops for this purpose without any serious augmentation of the peace establishment. It would be an idle and unprofitable ocAs far as it is possible to judge at a dis-cupation to speculate on an event which will tance, there seems reason to believe that be so soon removed from the domain of Canada is determined to form a separate na- conjecture. The next mail from America tion, instead of merging itself in the Ameri- (which we are likely to receive on Monday can chaos. The party disputes of the prov- next), will probably decide the question, the ince are conducted with an energy which is issue of which is so anxiously expected. more impressive than intelligible to ordinary It is not probable that the determination of readers of the colonial journals. The Min- the course of the Washington Cabinet will isterialists and the Clear Grits have always await or depend upon the arrival of the Engforcible arguments to urge against one an- lish despatch. The matter will, before the other, but neither party appears to complain departure of the next mail, have been under of any grievance proceeding from the Impe- the full discussion of the American press rial Government. The only indication of and statesmen for nearly a fortnight, and the American sympathies is furnished by the die will no doubt be cast for good or for evil, frequency with which, in party polemics, in a manner which will admit neither of modthey are attributed to adversaries whom it is ification nor recall. The sentence of the expedient to damage. The French Canadi- English Government has been pronounced ans and their allies in the Upper Province with deliberation, and the mind of the Engare opposed to the Orangemen, as the Dem-lish people has been made up with calmness, ocrats of the North and South were lately and now we can afford to await the result allied against the Black Republicans. Their with fortitude and composure. antagonism is, however, less strongly based on social differences or on material interests, and for the most part their controversies appear to be managed without the introduction of any foreign element.

If Canada should, at some future time, form any union with neighboring States, the change will probably be coincident with

From The London Review, 7 Dec.
THE SITUATION.

While the matter was still under discussion we thought it right to oppose all possible obstacles to a hasty and inconsiderate conclusion. In entering upon a quarrel nothing is so necessary or so just as to endeavor to place the case of your adversary in the strongest light. The passionate and unrighteous man will always exaggerate his

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