zeal on that subject was wonderfully tem- | the popular prestige. His writings were a pered by discretion. He viewed favorably sufficient voucher cf his abilitics, but not of the taxation of America, but dreaded as ex- the political and personal revelations which cessive innovations the disfranchisement established his authority in public opinion. of Gatton and Sarum.'".

The reason the secret was so well kept has With such sentiments and antagonisms it this simple solution : that all the parties would certainly not have been pleasant, if privy to it were interested in keeping it safc, for Sir Philip Francis, as Junius, to There needed no compact for the purpose, have encountered a scion of the house of though I believe there was one. With what Bedford, with full right to question bim in credit or comfort could Junius limself reveal the saloons of Holland Ilouse or the more it? Setting aside the deadly cnuities he free warren of a club-room. Discovery had fomented, and would have had to face would have obviously and seriously endan- in after life, he, a Whig, had accepted a gered Sir Philip's peace, and weakened, if it “common bribe" from a Tory ministry by had not destroyed, his political connection; a lucrative nabobship. George III, knew and that at a time when he needed all the who Junius was, but had taken the rebel strength he could raise to fight his Indian into his service, and the king's lips were battle against Warren Hastings.

sealed like those of his minister, Lord North. As some set-off to the personalities of the With what honor could the “

great Lord Letters may be pleaded, as already remarked, Chatham ” divulge it? He and his brothercontemporary usage, their literary excellence, in-law, Lord Temple, had combined with an elevated moral tone, free but moderate con- anonymous libeller to destroy a ministry stitutional sentiments. As to the bubble of they hoped to succeed. All traces of this high station and authority with which Junius undignified alliance werc doubtless destroyed, so cleverly misled the public, they were al- as were those of the Chathamite liaisons in lowable from the necessities of his position. City intrigues with Aldermon Beckford and A cause may be good, its advocacy cloquent Sawbridge. Mr. Burkc it is probable knew and able, but alone they only slowly win at- Junius, with whom he was in intimate intertention. The field of popular favor is al- course after his return from India, but he ready occupied, and new admissions, jeal- had the same inducement as Francis himously scrutinized ; neglect at first, and stingy self to reticence, engaged as they were in favor next, are the common ordeal of new concert in the impeachment of Ilastings. aspirants to distinction. It is the same for Besides, how humiliated and how ridiculous all. Deeds, not words, are the test of merit Burke must have felt afier his extravagant alike in all the principal walks of life~in lit- eulogium of the clerer unknown. Alderman erature and science, the professions, forum, Wilkes had been similarly duped. He had and the senate-house. Rank, title, and swallowed Junius in all his disguises, and wealth are sometimes privileged, but only was so overcome in derotion as actually to from popular impression, as the representa- raise an altar to the “unknown god of his tives of past services, or assumed present idolatry." Could he, too, have been the abdesert. Francis at the outset had need of ject worshipper of the painted devil, or could these testimonials. He had great gifts nat- he hope to mention the name and position ural and acquired ; had worthily filled infe- of the author of his delusion without being rior places, but had no name or high posi- laughed at ? As to Mr. John Calcraft, one tion. These he necessarily sought to meet of the most efficient stokers of the Junian

*

moon1

:

TILE PICKET GUARD.

PACEM, PEAGRIJI, PRECAMUR. * All quict along the Potomac,” they say, Ou dear, you inopportunc Peagrim,

"Escept now and then a stray picket It's enough to give any one meagrim, (s shot as he walks on liis beat to and fro, To think of the row you may get us in now, By a rifleman lied in tlic thickct.

By your conduct, inopportunc Peagrim! "Tis nothing-a private or two, now and then,

Will not count in tlic ncws of the battle ; The ship Harvey Birch on the sca grim
Not an officer lost-only one of the men You might board and might burn, Captain
Moaning out, all alone, the death-rattle.”

Peagrim,
And we only should say, in a casual way,

'Twas unlucky she met Captain Peagrim! All quiet along thc Potomac to-night,

Whicre ilic soldiers lic peacefully dreaming; Their tents, in the rays of the clear autumn The prisoners you've cauglit, Captain Pea

But when in Southampton you free, grim, Or the light of the watch-fire, are gleaming. We are placed in a fix,

grim,

to pronounce if

your A tremulous sirn, as the gentle night-wind

tricks
Through the forest-Icares sofily is creeping ; Are a hero's, or pirate's, O Peagrim !
While stars up above, with their glittering eyes,
Keep guard-for the arıny is sleeping.

If a pirate we hold, Captain Peagrim.

The Confederate Statcs they will be grim; There's only the sound of the lone sentry's And again, if we don't, the United States wont trcad

Be disposed to take our view of Peagrim.
As lic tramps from the rock to the fountain,
And thinks of the two in the low trundlc-bed,

Thus placed betwixt two fires by Peagrim, Far away in the cof on the mountain.

Mr. Punch is afflicted with meagrim : His muskčt falls slack — his face, dark and He would fain be impartial in any court-margrim,

tial Grows gentle with memorics tender,

That's held on the status of Peagrim. As he muilters a prayer for the children asleepFor thcir motlier-may Heaven defend hier! A licutenant's commission holds Peagrim,

But that wont on the wall stick the flca, grim. The moon seems to shine just as brightly as Though licutenant he be, that's no warrant at

thien, That night when the love yet unspoken Giving powers of capture to Peagrim. Leaped up to liis lips-wlien low-murmured

Yet as pirate we can't give up Peagrim, Were pledged to be crer unbroken.

At the yard-arm straight run up to be, grim : Then drawing his slcevcs roughly over his Which Adams, I fear, will declare 'tis quite eres,

clear, He dishes off tears that are welling, Is the right sort of treatment for Peagrim. And gathers his guin closer up to its place, As if to keep down the hcart-swelling. Yet to make casus belli of Peagrim

Loose the war-dogs, by land and by sea, grim; He passes the fountain, the blasted pine tree, For a man with that namo! On the annals of The food-tep is lagging and weary ;

famo Yet onward lic goes through the broad belt of To inscribe, not Britannia, but Peagrim!

liglit, Toward the shade of the forest so dreary,

Then let's all pray for peaco spite of Peagrim : Hark! wis it the night-wind that rustled the May war-fears pass off like a meagrim; leares?

And by look or by crook may we live to reWas it moonlight so wondrously flashing ?

buko It looked like a riflo “Ha! Mary, good. Those who feel apprehensions from Peagrim! bu!”

-Punch. And ilic lifc-blood is cbbing and plashing.

sea

VOIS

TAKE HEED.

All quiet along thic Potomac to-night,

No soumd save ilic rush of the river;
While soft fills the dew on the face of the

de:
The picker's off duty forcvcr!

E. B. -Pittsburgh Christian Advocate.

AHOng the pitfalls in our way

The best of us walk blindly.
So, man, bo wary ; watch and pray,

And judge your brother kindly.

Part of an Article in The Examiner, 7, Dec. we should have to fight it with one hand, the THE AMERICAN APPROVAL OF THE other being wanted for defence against the TRENT OUTRAGE.

menacing attitude or actual hostility of Tue Americans accuse us of blowing hot be falsified by the general condemnation of

France. This encouraging calculation will and cold in the same breath, and for the the French press of the Trent outrage,

and nonce abandoning our own position of international law, and adopting and turning theirs as general approval of the conduct of Eng

land on the occasion. against them. The charge applies incom

And supposing the Federal Government parably more strongly to them, who are bel

to refuse negotiation and war to ensue, it is figerents or not, waging war, or putting difficult to see how France could remain down rebels just as this particular question merely neutral, for as neutral a claim of is concerned or not. But supposing us to right would be made against her merchant take a partial view of our own case, as all shipping by the Federal Government to which people are prone to do, how do they account she could not submit. If reparation is refor the concurrence of France in the opinion fused to us, it will necessarily be on the expressed in this country ? There is hardly ground that the seizure of persons or goods a journal of any note and influence on the alleged to be contraband of war without procother side of the Channel that has not condemned the outrage against our flag (justly fair practice, and this pretension France, as

ess of law and adjudication, is justifiable and characterized by the Revue Contemporaine as it may affect her practically, must be as much an insolent and brutal provocation), and ap- concerned to resist as we are because it has proved the spirit and at the same time the actually so outraged us. Indeed, of all namoderation with which it has been resented tions France is the last to suffer an Algiers in this country. It is known, too, that the to be set up in America. She cannot tamely diplomatic corps in America have indicated submit to the Federal Government's claim of their dissatisfaction, and we think we may exemption from international law. She can; safely and fairly assume that the judgment not allow her merchant navy to be exposed of the whole civilized world will be given to a Wilkes' Law for the sea close akin to against the American conduct in the affair the Lynch Law of the same nation ashore, of the Trent, and the preposterous justifica- | but worse if as sanctioned by a Government tion attempted for it. Most satisfactory to us, however, is the pretending to high civilization.

Whatever may be the termination of the opinion of our nearest neighbor, both for its present question, we feel confident that our intrinsic worth, and as striking disproof of Government has taken its measures for the the prejudice and ill-will which have been vindication of the honor and rights of the supposed to prevail in France against us. country in a manner as conciliatory as posHere certainly was an opportunity for the sible, and showing the American Governvent of such feelings if they had existence, (ment the grace with which the amende honinstead of which there has been the prompt- orable may be made. England wants no est, most generous, and able assertion of the quarrel, she knows too well what war is, and rights in the maintenance of which we are hates it only less than dishonor ; but if war concerned. It may be thought that the is forced on her, for war she is so well prepride of the French publicists keeps their pared that the calamity will probably be judgment clear of prejudice on a question of short, though sharp to the aggressor. international law, and there is little dispar- Certain we are that there will be no quaragement in that construction ; but there is rel unless the American Government wilfully no reluctance in the judgment, nothing chooses one, preferring war to justice, but grudged in it, and it bears all the marks of substantial justice rendered with right good- question is very far from assuring :

on this point Mr. Bright's very pertinent will. What will be the event ? is now the ques

“But did you ever know anybody, who tion, and the general response is not cheer- was not very near dead drunk, who, having ing. We have to do with a desperate mob- as much upon his hands as he could manage, led Government, and its course is too prob- would offer to fight everybody about him ? ' ably marshalled for it by the press, which We hope Mr. Seward will not take offence, regards Commander Wilkes' outrage as a and cry " that was levelled at me;" but brilliant service, unauthorized indeed, but figuratively there is an intoxication to be meriting sanction and reward. Our only feared in the Lincoln Cabinet, and some hope of peace rests on the effect likely to be touch of the mania that follows habits of produced by the opinion of France, for the excess. expectation has doubtless been that if we In the event of the worst, we trust that should be dragged into a war with America, our Government will make no alteration in

its policy as to the South, and that there and better hands were able to accomplish ? will be no recognition until there is estab- It is all very well to talk in clubs or over lished the independence to warrant it. That dinner-tables about “ requiring a categorical independence we may of necessity hasten by answer ;” but Mr. Seward having shown sweeping the Federal squadrons from the that he could write a clever despatch offseas they are blockading; but this relief to hand in answer to an unreasonable demand the South should be an incident of the war, from us, may not be suffered this time to not an object, and recognition whenever commit himself, his Government, and his circumstances are ripe for it should be de country without mature deliberation, now facto, and not precipitated from favor to that our demand is reasonable and irrethe one side, or hostility to the other. Any futable. And highly desirable it is that eagerness to have the Slave States for allies in so grave a matter no step should be in the war would not be for the honor of taken with precipitation or passion. We England. The alliance may come in the have shown that we are in no mood to be course of events, but it should not be sought trifled with; and we can therefore afford to before its due time.

keep patience and temper, while our neighbors are making up their minds whether they will abet an attempt to revive the obsolete

practice of bad times, or whether they will, From The Examiner, 7 Dec.

in the spirit of a wiser and more civilized INTERNATIONAL QUESTION AND

policy, repudiate the reckless act of one desANSWER.

perate man. If we asked President Lincoln Our Government has put the question to to do or say anything more than what Mr. that of the United States which the injured Jefferson, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Madison rehonor of our flag required ; and we await peatedly urged upon England as the rule of the answer. Some sanguine folk imagine maritime justice and right, he might be exthat we shall get it forthwith, and in mono- cused for hotly and hastily saying, "No." syllabic form, -Ay or No, by Christmas- But that which we seek to have disavowed day. We cannot share any such anticipa- and repaired by him, is only what his most tion. It is true that President Davis in his eminent predecessors complained of incesmessage to the Confederate Congress loses santly when done by the commanders of no time in saying determinately of the cap- British cruisers on the high seas. Practiture of Messrs. Slidell and Mason, that cally, the obnoxious pretension on our part "the claims of the United States to seize to take persons by force out of American them in the streets of London would have merchantmen has been allowed to fall into been as well founded as the seizure on board abeyance during the lifetime of the present the Trent.” It is true also that such lead- generation. If Captain Wilkes and his irreing lawyers of the North as Edward Everett sponsible supporters imagine that we shall and George Sumner have lost no time in subunit to the arbitrary resuscitation of this declaring as prompily that the same cap- semi-barbarous practice, they will in a few ture is in accordance with international law. days be undeceived, for our Government has But to say as much bluntly in reply to Eng- instructed Lord Lyons to demand reparation land is not in equal accordance with inter- for so wanton a breach of friendly relations ; national diplomacy. Diplomacy in its best and he has no doubt been instructed fully as estate is altogether dilatory. The Aulic to the course he ought to pursue, should the Chancellerie kept Lord Clarendon dangling American Government show a desire to make for--we forget how many-months, before the affair of the Trent a pretext for quarrelit would answer plainly that it could not ling. If that be their purpose, it were bemake up its mind to say anything about the neath our dignity to waste words in deprecaRussian war. It took nearly as long to tion; and in that case a reply may be given bring the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh to a at once, and we shall know the extent to point, while all Europe stood booted and which folly and frenzy may carry men, otherspurred, ready to run the death-race of wise sane, by the end of the year. 1854.

But we doubt the likelihood of such a More than a year has been spent in trying reply, and therefore we do not expect or deto extract from the French Emperor some sire to receive one by return of post. In intelligible intimation of even his probable point of fact, it is not in the power of the intentions regarding the occupation of Rome, President or his Cabinet, constitutionally -a question wherein the peace and welfare speaking, to take sudden action in a matter of twenty millions of people are confessedly so grave, while Congress is sitting. By the involved, and about which half Christendom terms of the Federal Act; a consultative and is filled with solicitude. Why, then, should co-operative junction in all foreign affairs of we expect more of Lord Lyons, than older moment is devolved on the Legislature ; and

come.

the Senate, as the more experienced and ju- | nominally reduced to submission, or enabled dicially minded of the two Chambers, has nominally to call themselves independent by generally esercised the chief direction and the withering aid of European po vers, would control in diplomatic concerns.

constitute a source of danger and perplexity

to the Federal Commonwealth for long years What, then, is the answer we may expect to come. The statesmen of the American to our question regarding the Trent? Sub- Senate understand these things well; and stantially it will be dictated by men of the even those amongst them who are most same mind as General Scott, whose excel- jealous of England, cannot be blind to the lent letter of the 2nd inst, will be found in fact, that if ever there was a time lo measanother coluni. Mr. Charles Sumner hap- ure swords with us creditably or advanpens just now to be Chairman of the Com- tageously, this is not the time. mittee on Foreign Affairs; and upon that committee are several men who, though they The suspicion of instructions having been differ from him in his abolitionist views, given to the commander of the San Jacinto agree with him in desire to maintain friend- may be met by reference to the dates of his ship with England. War with England in arrival from the African coast; and the of. 1862 means one or other of two things,- fensive manner of his act may be disposed either the humiliation of the Republic by the of in a dozen civil words. Something will armed triumph of the Southern States; or probably be said about the disregard by Captheir devastation and ruin by the revolt of iain Moyer of the Queen's proclamation the slaves, and the jucquerie that must fol- against carrying despatches from cither of low. No wise or upright American states the belligerents; and proof will perhaps be man can recommend a course of policy which offered—it may be easily enough maintained would entail either contingency. The pres- —that the Confederate agents took pains to ent struggle, whaterer its issue, is certain let Captain Wilkes know, while he and they to leave the Union burdened with liabilities were lying in the route of the Havannah, quite hard enough to bear for some time to that they were the bearers of such missives

But the financial and social conse- from the Confederate Government, and that quences of slave cinancipation by fire and they were about to proceed to Europe on sword would be disastrous to an extent and board the Trent.

It may refer to in a degree fearful to contemplate. Noth- the long course of forcible seizures made by ing hali so repugnant to all principles of English ships in time of war, of persons policy, and to all notions of humanity, has claimed by us as owing allegiance to the occurred in modern times as the uprising in British crown. It may set forth the reiterwild vengeance of four millions of undisci- ated expostulations of successive American plined, uneducated, and unarmed helots Governments against such acts of highagainst their mesturs. Incendiarism and handed violence; and it may point to the murder would be the only weapons of such uncompleted Convention negotiated, in 1803, a revolt-womanhood, childhood, infirmity, for the suppression of this indefensible pracand age its personal victims-property of tice, wherein the principle so long contended every kind its indiscriminate sacrifice. The for on our side was surrendered, and which cotton shrub, the tobacco plant, the rice was only broken off at the last moment by crop, and the coffee trec, in whose cultiva- a recalcitrant notion on the part of George tion, past year's of bondage had been spent, III. that the Narrow Seas should be specially would be instinctively regarded as the ob- exempted. American diplomacy may dwell jects of negro vengeance, woile the enor- on the history of the rupture of 1812, and mous amount of capital invested in planta- comment on the fact that peace was signed tions of every lind, would inevitably perish at Ghent without any renunciation of the in the first month of insurrection." And British claim to make forcible captures. It what would be the filc of the miserable may reiterate cvcry lino of Mr. Webster's people who had been stimulated by their able despatch of the 8th of August, 1842, in Northern sympathizers thus to break their which he sums up the grievances of his counchains ? In self-efence and frantic hate, try on this head, anii announces the deterembittered, not sof:cned, by the conscious- mination of his government never to be ness of having inflictel unnumbered wrongs, content until the question should be set at the dominant caste would be certain to take rest. And, finally, it may recall the propomore than life for life in the hellish conflict. sitions made by Mr. Marcy and General It might not, perhaps it could not, last very Cass to the governments of Europe, when all long; but when it was over, half a continent the world was at peace, for a reconsideration would lie desolate ; villagos and towns would and reconstruction of the Maritime Code present but a heap of smouldering ashes ; respecting neutrais, which, as we have lately and the remnant of the Southerners, whether had occasion to remark, would have con