zeal on that subject was wonderfully tempered by discretion. He viewed favorably the taxation of America, but dreaded as excessive innovations the disfranchisement of Gatton and Sarum.'"* With such sentiments and antagonisms it would certainly not have been pleasant, if safe, for Sir Philip Francis, as Junius, to have encountered a scion of the house of Bedford, with full right to question him in the saloons of Holland House or the more free warren of a club-room. Discovery would have obviously and seriously endangered Sir Philip's peace, and weakened, if it had not destroyed, his political connection; and that at a time when he needed all the strength he could raise to fight his Indian battle against Warren Hastings. As some set-off to the personalities of the Letters may be pleaded, as already remarked, contemporary usage, their literary excellence, elevated moral tone, free but moderate constitutional sentiments. As to the bubble of high station and authority with which Junius so cleverly misled the public, they were allowable from the necessities of his position. A cause may be good, its advocacy cloquent and able, but alone they only slowly win attention. The field of popular favor is already occupied, and new admissions, jealously scrutinized; neglect at first, and stingy favor next, are the common ordeal of new aspirants to distinction. It is the same for all. Deeds, not words, are the test of merit alike in all the principal walks of life-in literature and science, the professions, forum, and the senate-house. Rank, title, and wealth are sometimes privileged, but only from popular impression, as the representatives of past services, or assumed present desert. Francis at the outset had need of these testimonials. He had great gifts natural and acquired; had worthily filled inferior places, but had no name or high position. These he necessarily sought to meet Bedford Correspondence, Introduction, vol. iii. p. 66. the popular prestige. His writings were a sufficient voucher cf his abilities, but not of the political and personal revelations which established his authority in public opinion. The reason the secret was so well kept has this simple solution: that all the parties privy to it were interested in keeping it. There needed no compact for the purpose, though I believe there was one. With what credit or comfort could Junius himself reveal it? Setting aside the deadly cumities he had fomented, and would have had to face in after life, he, a Whig, had accepted a "common bribe" from a Tory ministry by a lucrative nabobship. George III. knew who Junius was, but had taken the rebel into his service, and the king's lips were sealed like those of his minister, Lord North. With what honor could the "great Lord Chatham " divulge it? He and his brotherin-law, Lord Temple, had combined with an anonymous libeller to destroy a ministry they hoped to succeed. All traces of this undignified alliance were doubtless destroyed, as were those of the Chathamite liaisons in City intrigues with Aldermen Beckford and Sawbridge. Mr. Burke it is probable knew Junius, with whom he was in intimate intercourse after his return from India, but he had the same inducement as Francis himself to reticence, engaged as they were in concert in the impeachment of Hastings. Besides, how humiliated and how ridiculous Burke must have felt after his extravagant eulogium of the clever unknown. Alderman Wilkes had been similarly duped. He had swallowed Junius in all his disguises, and was so overcome in devotion as actually to raise an altar to the "unknown god of his idolatry." Could he, too, have been the abject worshipper of the painted devil, or could he hope to mention the name and position of the author of his delusion without being laughed at ? As to Mr. John Calcraft, one of the most efficient stokers of the Junian furnace, he, with other aids, died too early for revelations. As he tramps from the rock to the fountain, And thinks of the two in the low trundle-bed, Far away in the cot on the mountain. His musket falls slack-his face, dark and grim, Grows gentle with memories tender, As he mutters a prayer for the children asleepFor their mother-may Heaven defend her! The moon seems to shine just as brightly as then, That night when the love yet unspoken Leaped up to his lips-whien low-murmured VOWS Were pledged to be ever unbroken. Yet as pirate we can't give up Peagrim, At the yard-arm straight run up to be, grim: Then drawing his sleeves roughly over his Which Adams, I fear, will declare 'tis quite eves, He dashes off tears that are welling, And gathers his gun closer up to its place, As if to keep down the heart-swelling. clear, Is the right sort of treatment for Peagrim. Yet to make casus belli of Peagrim- To inscribe, not Britannia, but Peagrim! Then let's all pray for peace spite of Peagrim : Those who feel apprehensions from Peagrim! TAKE HEED. AMONG the pitfalls in our way Part of an Article in The Examiner, 7, Dec. THE AMERICAN APPROVAL OF THE TRENT OUTRAGE. we should have to fight it with one hand, the other being wanted for defence against the menacing attitude or actual hostility of France. This encouraging calculation will the French press of the Trent outrage, and be falsified by the general condemnation of as general approval of the conduct of Eng land on the occasion. THE Americans accuse us of blowing hot and cold in the same breath, and for the nonce abandoning our own position of international law, and adopting and turning theirs against them. The charge applies incomparably more strongly to them, who are bel- to refuse negotiation and war to ensue, it is And supposing the Federal Government ligerents or not, waging war, or putting difficult to see how France could remain down rebels just as this particular question merely neutral, for as neutral a claim of is concerned or not. But supposing us to take a partial view of our own case, as all right would be made against her merchant people are prone to do, how do they account she could not submit. If reparation is reshipping by the Federal Government to which for the concurrence of France in the opinion fused to us, it will necessarily be on the expressed in this country? There is hardly ground that the seizure of persons or goods a journal of any note and influence on the alleged to be contraband of war without procother side of the Channel that has not con-ess of law and adjudication, is justifiable and demned the outrage against our flag (justly characterized by the Revue Contemporaine as an insolent and brutal provocation), and approved the spirit and at the same time the moderation with which it has been resented in this country. It is known, too, that the diplomatic corps in America have indicated their dissatisfaction, and we think we may safely and fairly assume that the judgment of the whole civilized world will be given against the American conduct in the affair of the Trent, and the preposterous justification attempted for it. fair practice, and this pretension France, as it may affect her practically, must be as much concerned to resist as we are because it has actually so outraged us. Indeed, of all nations France is the last to suffer an Algiers to be set up in America. She cannot tamely submit to the Federal Government's claim of exemption from international law. She cannot allow her merchant navy to be exposed to a Wilkes' Law for the sea close akin to the Lynch Law of the same nation ashore, but worse if as sanctioned by a Government pretending to high civilization. Whatever be the termination of the may Most satisfactory to us, however, is the opinion of our nearest neighbor, both for its present question, we feel confident that our intrinsic worth, and as striking disproof of Government has taken its measures for the the prejudice and ill-will which have been vindication of the honor and rights of the supposed to prevail in France against us. country in a manner as conciliatory as posHere certainly was an opportunity for the sible, and showing the American Governvent of such feelings if they had existence, ment the grace with which the amende honinstead of which there has been the prompt-orable may be made. England wants no est, most generous, and able assertion of the rights in the maintenance of which we are concerned. It may be thought that the pride of the French publicists keeps their judgment clear of prejudice on a question of international law, and there is little disparagement in that construction; but there is no reluctance in the judgment, nothing grudged in it, and it bears all the marks of substantial justice rendered with right good-question is very far from assuring :— will. What will be the event? is now the question, and the general response is not cheering. We have to do with a desperate mobled Government, and its course is too probably marshalled for it by the press, which regards Commander Wilkes' outrage as a brilliant service, unauthorized indeed, but meriting sanction and reward. Our only hope of peace rests on the effect likely to be produced by the opinion of France, for the expectation has doubtless been that if we should be dragged into a war with America, quarrel, she knows too well what war is, and hates it only less than dishonor; but if war is forced on her, for war she is so well prepared that the calamity will probably be short, though sharp to the aggressor. Certain we are that there will be no quarrel unless the American Government wilfully chooses one, preferring war to justice, but on this point Mr. Bright's very pertinent "But did you ever know anybody, who was not very near dead drunk, who, having as much upon his hands as he could manage, would offer to fight everybody about him? We hope Mr. Seward will not take offence, and cry "that was levelled at me;" but figuratively there is an intoxication to be feared in the Lincoln Cabinet, and some touch of the mania that follows habits of excess. In the event of the worst, we trust that our Government will make no alteration in its policy as to the South, and that there will be no recognition until there is established the independence to warrant it. That independence we may of necessity hasten by sweeping the Federal squadrons from the seas they are blockading; but this relief to the South should be an incident of the war, not an object, and recognition whenever circumstances are ripe for it should be de facto, and not precipitated from favor to the one side, or hostility to the other. Any eagerness to have the Slave States for allies in the war would not be for the honor of England. The alliance may come in the course of events, but it should not be sought before its due time. From The Examiner, 7 Dec. INTERNATIONAL QUESTION AND ANSWER. and better hands were able to accomplish? It is all very well to talk in clubs or over dinner-tables about "requiring a categorical answer;" but Mr. Seward having shown that he could write a clever despatch offhand in answer to an unreasonable demand from us, may not be suffered this time to commit himself, his Government, and his country without mature deliberation, now that our demand is reasonable and irrefutable. And highly desirable it is that in so grave a matter no step should be taken with precipitation or passion. We have shown that we are in no mood to be trifled with; and we can therefore afford to keep patience and temper, while our neighbors are making up their minds whether they will abet an attempt to revive the obsolete practice of bad times, or whether they will, in the spirit of a wiser and more civilized policy, repudiate the reckless act of one desperate man. If we asked President Lincoln OUR Government has put the question to to do or say anything more than what Mr. that of the United States which the injured Jefferson, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Madison rehonor of our flag required; and we await peatedly urged upon England as the rule of the answer. Some sanguine folk imagine maritime justice and right, he might be exthat we shall get it forthwith, and in mono- cused for hotly and hastily saying, "No." syllabic form,-Ay or No, by Christmas- But that which we seek to have disavowed day. We cannot share any such anticipa- and repaired by him, is only what his most tion. It is true that President Davis in his eminent predecessors complained of incesmessage to the Confederate Congress loses santly when done by the commanders of no time in saying determinately of the cap- British cruisers on the high seas. Practiture of Messrs. Slidell and Mason, that cally, the obnoxious pretension on our part "the claims of the United States to seize to take persons by force out of American them in the streets of London would have merchantmen has been allowed to fall into been as well founded as the seizure on board abeyance during the lifetime of the present the Trent." It is true also that such lead-generation. If Captain Wilkes and his irreing lawyers of the North as Edward Everett sponsible supporters imagine that we shall and George Sumner have lost no time in declaring as promptly that the same capture is in accordance with international law. But to say as much bluntly in reply to England is not in equal accordance with international diplomacy. Diplomacy in its best estate is altogether dilatory. The Aulic Chancellerie kept Lord Clarendon dangling for-we forget how many-months, before it would answer plainly that it could not make up its mind to say anything about the Russian war. It took nearly as long to bring the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh to a point, while all Europe stood booted and spurred, ready to run the death-race of 1854. More than a year has been spent in trying to extract from the French Emperor some intelligible intimation of even his probable intentions regarding the occupation of Rome, -a question wherein the peace and welfare of twenty millions of people are confessedly involved, and about which half Christendom is filled with solicitude. Why, then, should we expect more of Lord Lyons, than older submit to the arbitrary resuscitation of this semi-barbarous practice, they will in a few days be undeceived, for our Government has instructed Lord Lyons to demand reparation for so wanton a breach of friendly relations; and he has no doubt been instructed fully as to the course he ought to pursue, should the American Government show a desire to make the affair of the Trent a pretext for quarrelling. If that be their purpose, it were beneath our dignity to waste words in deprecation; and in that case a reply may be given at once, and we shall know the extent to which folly and frenzy may carry men, otherwise sane, by the end of the year. But we doubt the likelihood of such a reply, and therefore we do not expect or desire to receive one by return of post. In point of fact, it is not in the power of the President or his Cabinet, constitutionally speaking, to take sudden action in a matter so grave, while Congress is sitting. By the terms of the Federal Act; a consultative and co-operative junction in all foreign affairs of moment is devolved on the Legislature; and the Senate, as the more experienced and ju- | nominally reduced to submission, or enabled dicially minded of the two Chambers, has generally exercised the chief direction and control in diplomatic concerns. nominally to call themselves independent by the withering aid of European powers, would constitute a source of danger and perplexity to the Federal Commonwealth for long years to come. The statesmen of the American Senate understand these things well; and even those amongst them who are most jealous of England, cannot be blind to the fact, that if ever there was a time to measure swords with us creditably or advantageously, this is not the time. The suspicion of instructions having been given to the commander of the San Jacinto may be met by reference to the dates of his arrival from the African coast; and the of What, then, is the answer we may expect to our question regarding the Trent? Substantially it will be dictated by men of the same mind as General Scott, whose excellent letter of the 2nd inst. will be found in another column. Mr. Charles Sumner happens just now to be Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs; and upon that committee are several men who, though they differ from him in his abolitionist views, agree with him in desire to maintain friendship with England. War with England in 1862 means one or other of two things,-fensive manner of his act may be disposed either the humiliation of the Republic by the of in a dozen civil words. Something will armed triumph of the Southern States; or probably be said about the disregard by Captheir devastation and ruin by the revolt of tain Moyer of the Queen's proclamation the slaves, and the jucquerie that must fol- against carrying despatches from either of low. No wise or uplight American states- the belligerents; and proof will perhaps be man can recommend a course of policy which offered-it may be easily enough maintained would entail either contingency. The pres--that the Confederate agents took pains to ent struggle, whatever its issue, is certain let Captain Wilkes know, while he and they to leave the Union burdened with liabilities were lying in the route of the Havannah, quite hard enough to bear for some time to that they were the bearers of such missives come. But the financial and social conse- from the Confederate Government, and that quences of slave emancipation by fire and they were about to proceed to Europe on sword would be disastrous to an extent and board the Trent. It may refer to in a degree fearful to contemplate. Noth- the long course of forcible seizures made by ing half so repugnant to all principles of English ships in time of war, of persons policy, and to all notions of humanity, has claimed by us as owing allegiance to the occurred in modern times as the uprising in British crown. It may set forth the reiterwild vengeance of four millions of undisci- ated expostulations of successive American plined, uneducated, and unarmed helots Governments against such acts of highagainst their masters. Incendiarism and handed violence; and it may point to the murder would be the only weapons of such uncompleted Convention negotiated, in 1803, a revolt-womanhood, childhood, infirmity, for the suppression of this indefensible pracand age its personal victims-property of tice, wherein the principle so long contended every kind its indiscriminate sacrifice. The for on our side was surrendered, and which cotton shrub, the tobacco plant, the rice was only broken off at the last moment by crop, and the coffee trec, in whose cultiva- a recalcitrant notion on the part of George tion, past years of bondage had been spent, III. that the Narrow Seas should be specially would be instinctively regarded as the ob- exempted. American diplomacy may dwell jects of negro vengeance, waile the enor- on the history of the rupture of 1812, and mous amount of capital invested in planta- comment on the fact that peace was signed tions of every kind, would inevitably perish at Ghent without any renunciation of the in the first month of insurrection. And British claim to make forcible captures. It what would be the fate of the miserable people who had been stimulated by their Northern sympathizers thus to break their chains? In self-defence and frantic hate, embittered, not softened, by the consciousness of having inflicted unnumbered wrongs, the dominant caste would be certain to take more than life for life in the hellish conflict. It might not, perhaps it could not, last very long; but when it was over, half a continent would lie desolate; villages and towns would present but a heap of smouldering ashes; and the remnant of the Southerners, whether may reiterate every line of Mr. Webster's able despatch of the 8th of August, 1842, in which he sums up the grievances of his country on this head, and announces the determination of his government never to be content until the question should be set at rest. And, finally, it may recall the propositions made by Mr. Marcy and General Cass to the governments of Europe, when all the world was at peace, for a reconsideration and reconstruction of the Maritime Code respecting neutrals, which, as we have lately had occasion to remark, would have con |