power. Confiderate people, before they declare themselves, will observe the use which is made of power; and particularly of so trying a thing as new power in new persons, of whose principles, tempers, and dispositions they have little or no experience, and in situations, where those who appear the most stirring in the scene may possibly not be the real movers.

* All these considerations however were below the transcendental dignity of the revolution society. Whilst I continued in the country, from whence I had the honour of writing to you, I had but an imperfect idea of their transactions. On my coming to town, I fent for an account of their proceedings, which had been published by their authority, containing a fermon of Dr. Price, with the Duke de Rochefaucault's and the Archbishop of Aix's letter, and several other documents annexed. The whole of that publication, with the manifeft defign of connecting the affairs of France with those of England, by drawing us into an imitation of the conduct of the national afssembly, gave me a confiderable degree of uneasiness. The effect of that conduct upon the power, credit, profperity, and tranquillity of France, became every day more evident. The form of conftitution to be fettled, for its future polity, became more clear. We are now in a condition to difcern, with tolerable exactness, the true nature of the object held

up

up to our imitation. If the prudence of referve and decorum dictates filence in some circumstances, in others prudence of a higher order may justify us in fpeaking our thoughts. The beginnings of confufion with us in England are at present feeble enough; but with you, we have seen an infancy still more feeble, growing by moments into a strength to heap mountains upon mountains, and to wage war with heaven itself. Whenever our neighbour's houfe is on fire, it cannot be amiss for the engines to play a little on our own. Better to be despised for too anxious apprehenfions, than ruined by too confident a security.

Solicitous chiefly for the peace of my own country, but by no means unconcerned for yours, I wish to communicate more largely, what was at first intended only for your private fatisfaction. I shall still keep your affairs in my eye, and continue to address myself to you. Indulging myself in the freedom of epistolary intercourse, I beg leave to throw out my thoughts, and express my feelings, just as they arife in my mind, with very little attention to formal method. I set out with the proceedings of the revolution society; but I shall not confine myself to them. Is it possible I should? It looks to me as if I were in a great crifis, not of the affairs of France alone, but of all Europe, perhaps of more than Europe. All circumstances taken together, the French revolution is the most astonishing that has hitherto happened in the world. The most wonderful things are brought about in many instances by means the most absurd and ridiculous; in the most ridiculous modes; and apparently, by the most contemptible instruments. Every thing feems out of nature in this strange chaos of levity and ferocity, and of all forts of crimes jumbled together with all forts of follies. In viewing this monftrous tragicomick scene, the most opposite paffions neceffarily fucceed, and sometimes mix with each other in the mind; alternate contempt and indignation; alternate laughter and tears; alternate scorn and horrour.

It cannot however be denied, that to some this ftrange scene appeared in quite another point of view. Into them it inspired no other sentiments than those of exultation and rapture. They faw nothing in what has been done in France, but a firm and temperate exertion of freedom; fo confiftent, on the whole, with morals and with piety, as to make it deserving not only of the fecular applause of dashing Machiavelian politicians, but to render it a fit theme for all the devout effufions of sacred eloquence.

On the forenoon of the 4th of November laft, Doctor Richard Price, a non-conforming minifter of eminence, preached at the dissenting meetinghouse of the Old Jewry, to his club or fociety, a

very extraordinary miscellaneous fermon, in which there are some good moral and religious sentiments, and not ill expressed, mixed up with a fort of porridge of various political opinions and reflections: but the revolution in France is the grand ingredient in the cauldron. I confider the address tranfmitted by the revolution society to the national assembly, through Earl Stanhope, as originating in the principles of the fermon, and as a corollary from them. It was moved by the preacher of that discourse. It was passed by those who came reeking from the effect of the fermon, without any censure or qualification, expressed or implied. If, however, any of the gentlemen concerned shall wish to separate the fermon from the resolution, they know how to acknowledge the one, and to disavow the other. They may do it: I cannot.

For my part, I looked on that fermon as the publick declaration of a man much connected with literary caballers, and intriguing philosophers; with political theologians, and theological politicians, both at home and abroad. I know they set him up as a fort of oracle; because, with the best intentions in the world, he naturally philippizes, and chaunts his prophetick song in exact unifon with their designs.

That fermon is in a strain which I believe has not been heard in this kingdom, in any of the pulpits pulpits which are tolerated or encouraged in it, fince the year 1648, when a predecessor of Dr. Price, the Reverend Hugh Peters, made the vault of the king's own chapel at St. James's ring with the honour and privilege of the faints, who, with the "high praises of God in their mouths, and a "two-edged sword in their hands, were to exe"cute judgment on the heathen, and punish"ments upon the people; to bind their kings with "chains, and their nobles with fetters of iron*." Few harangues from the pulpit, except in the days of your league in France, or in the days of our folemn league and covenant in England, have ever breathed less of the spirit of moderation than this lecture in the Old Jewry. Supposing, however, that something like moderation were visible in this political fermon; yet politicks and the pulpit are terms that have little agreement. No found ought to be heard in the church but the healing voice of christian charity. The cause of civil liberty and civil government gains as little as that of religion by this confufion of duties. Those who quit their proper character, to assume what does not belong to them, are, for the greater part, ignorant both of the character they leave, and of the character they affume. Wholly unacquainted with the world in which they are so fond of med