rope, and with it a perfect despotism. Though that despotism was proudly arrayed in manners, gallantry, fplendour, magnificence, and even covered over with the imposing robes of science, literature, and arts, it was, in government, nothing better than a painted and gilded tyranny; in religion, a hard, stern intolerance, the fit companion and auxiliary to the despotick tyranny which prevailed in its government. The same character of despotism infinuated itself into every court of Europe-the same spirit of disproportioned magnificence-the fame love of standing armies, above the ability of the people. In particular, our then sovereigns, King Charles and King James, fell in love with the government of their neighbour, so flattering to the pride of kings. A fimilarity of sentiments brought on connections equally dangerous to the interests and liberties of their country. It were well that the infection had gone no farther than the throne. The admiration of a government flourishing and fuccessful, unchecked in its operations, and seeming therefore to compass its objects more speedily and effectually, gained something upon all ranks of people. The good patriots of that day, however, struggled against it. They fought nothing more anxiously than to break off all communication with France, and to beget a total alienation from its councils and its example; which, by the animosity prevalent between the abettors of their religious system and the affertors of ours, was, in fome degree, effected. This day the evil is totally changed in France: but there is an evil there. The disease is altered; but the vicinity of the two countries remains, and must remain; and the natural mental habits of mankind are such, that the present distemper of France is far more likely to be contagious than the old one; for it is not quite easy to spread a paffion for servitude among the people: but in all evils of the opposite kind our natural inclinations are flattered. In the case of despotism there is the fadum crimen fervitutis; in the last the falsa species libertatis; and accordingly, as the historian says, pronis auribus accipitur. 1 In the last age we were in danger of being entangled by the example of France in the net of a relentless despotism. It is not neceffary to say any thing upon that example. It exists no longer. Our present danger from the example of a people, whose character knows no medium, is, with regard to government, a danger from anarchy; a danger of being led through an admiration of fuccefsful fraud and violence, to an imitation of the excesses of an irrational, unprincipled, profcribing, confiscating, plundering, ferocious, bloody, and tyrannical democracy. On the fide of religion, the danger of their example is no longer from in, tolerance, tolerance, but from atheism; a foul, unnatural vice, foe to all the dignity and confolation of mankind; which seems in France, for a long time, to have been embodied into a faction, accredited, and almost avowed. These are our present dangers from France: but, in his opinion, the very worst part of the example set is, in the late afsumption of citizenship by the army, and the whole of the arrangement, or rather difarrangement of their military. He was forry that his right honourable friend (Mr. Fox) had dropped even a word expressive of exultation on that circumstance; or that he seemed of opinion that the objection from standing armies was at all lessened by it. He attributed this opinion of Mr. Fox entirely to his known zeal for the best of all causes, Liberty. That it was with a pain inexpressible he was obliged to have even the shadow of a difference with his friend, whose authority would be always great with him, and with all thinking people-Qua maxima femper cen fetur nobis, et erit quæ maxima femper-His confidence in Mr. Fox was such, and so ample, as to be almost implicit. That he was not ashamed to avow that degree of docility. That when the choice is well made, it strengthens instead of oppreffing our intellect. That he who calls in the aid of an equal understanding doubles his own. He who profits of a fuperiour understanding, raises his powers to a level with the height of the fuperiour understanding he unites with. He had found the benefit of such a junction, and would not lightly depart from it. He wished almost, on all occafions, that his sentiments were understood to be conveyed in Mr. Fox's words; and that he wished, as amongst the greatest benefits he could wish the country, an eminent share of power to that right honourable gentleman; because he knew that, to his great and masterly understanding, he had joined the greatest poffible degree of that natural moderation, which is the best corrective of power; that he was of the most artless, candid, open, and benevolent difpofition; disinterested in the extreme; of a temper mild and placable, even to a fault; without one drop of gall in his whole constitution. That the house must perceive, from his coming forward to mark an expreffion or two of his best friend, how anxious he was to keep the distemper of France from the leaft countenance in England, where he was fure fome wicked persons had shewn a strong difpofition to recommend an imitation of the French spirit of reform. He was so strongly opposed to any the least tendency towards the means of introducing a democracy like theirs, as well as to the end itself, that much as it would afflict him, if such a thing could be attempted, and that any friend of his could concur in fuch meafures, (he was far, very far, from believing they could); could); he would abandon his best friends, and join with his worst enemies to oppose either the means or the end; and to resist all violent exertions of the spirit of innovation, so distant from all principles of true and safe reformation; a spirit well calculated to overturn states, but perfectly unfit to amend them. That he was no enemy to reformation. Almost every business in which he was much concerned,.. from the first day he fat in that house to that hour, was a business of reformation; and when he had not been employed in correcting, he had been employed in refifting abuses. Some traces of this fpirit in him now stand on their statute book. In his opinion, any thing which unneceffarily tore to pieces the contexture of the state, not only prevented all real reformation, but introduced evils which would call, but perhaps, call in vain, for new reformation. That he thought the French nation very unwife. What they valued themselves on, was a disgrace to them. They had gloried (and some people in England had thought fit to take share in that glory) in making a revolution; as if revolutions were good things in themselves. All the horrours, and all the crimes of the anarchy which led to their revolution, which attend its progress, and which may virtually attend it in its establishment, pass for nothing with the lovers of revolutions. The French |