Oldalképek
PDF
ePub

THOSE of our readers who take interest in

longevity may like to keep record of Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Poulter, of Eastrington, East Yorkshire, who have recently celebrated the seventy-third anniversary of their marriage. Each of them is 96 years of age and withal hale and hearty. Of their seven children now living the eldest is over 70, the youngest 54. They made a runaway match, and celebrate the event every year on Christmas Day, they having on that day received the forgiveness of their parents. A correspondent of L'Intermédiaire sends that journal the following explanation of the word tramway as derived from "un journal anglais " and asks for opinion on cette étymologie.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

En 1803, un entrepreneur bâtit une voie de 20 kilomètres de fer creux que pouvaient emprunter les véhicules transportant à la Tamise les farines venant des moulins à vent de Croydon. Cet entrepreneur s'appelait John Outram, et ses ouvriers l'appelaient le père Tram, et le chemin de fer creux fut dénommé la voie de Tram, Tram'sway. Elle disparut en 1833, mais le nom a survécu cette fois encore à la chose.

THE Times correspondent at Nairobi

[blocks in formation]

Sir Charles Wager is ftill detained at Spithead by contrary Winds, and bad Weather.

reports that Mr. C. S. Leakey, of the Yesterday our Mayor, and the Majority Cutler Dinosaur Expedition, has discovered of the Aldermen, met at our Guild-Hall, to at Nakuru a complete human skeleton, bur- fill up the Vacancies in the Bench of Alderied at the 12ft. level in the pre-natal posi- men which were 3, their whole number being tion with chin on knees. It is that of a 12; when they elected Tho. Blackley, Efq.; man, 6ft. in stature, having with him over formerly his Majefty's Conful at Alicant; a hundred tools-of Mesolithic type mainly. Mr. John Arnold, lately Collector of his The skull is not prognathous, and the skele Majefty's Cuftoms here; and Mr. Robert ton is not negroid. Mr. Leakey says he Newnham, an Apothecary; all of most eviundoubtedy belongs to the Wayland-Mag-dent Affection to the prefent happy Eftabnosian period of Uganda. lishment.

[blocks in formation]

By this, there is a clear and independant Ballance of Political (as there was before of Natural) Power in the zealous Friends of the prefent Government in this Corporation; and 'tis hoped they will, by a prudent Management of it, perpetuate the former in the fame Line; that another Party of Men may never again have the Opportunity of embroiling the Town, as they formerly have done, to the great Detriment of many; nor hang as a dead Weight, upon Refolutions to be taken for the Publick Good; and, that a particular Sett of Men, may no longer, with any hopes of Succefs, afpire to Honours and Offices, which they are no more capable of rightly behaving in, and executing, than they deserve them. I am Sir, Your very humble Servant,

Z. Q.

[merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors]

Literary and Historical Notes.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1821 IN PIEDMONT.

THE following is transcribed from the copy

of a proclamation which was found posted on the door of Count Santorre di Santarosa's house, and which is now preserved in the Turin Museum.

LA REGIA DELEGAZIONE STABILITA CON PATENTI DELLI 26 SCORSO APRILE IN TORINO SEDENTE.

Veduta la Sentenza nostra del giorno d'oggi ad instanza del Regio Fisco proferta contro li

Guglielmo Ansaldi fu Andrea nativo di Corvere, Urbano Ratazzi fu Gioan Marco d'Alessandria, Gioanni Appiani fu Giacinto, di Torricella, Gioanni Dossena fu Pietro d'Alessandria, Fortunato Luzzi fu altro Fortunato di Mortara, Luigi Baronis fu Alberico di Chieri, Angelo Bianco fu Gio Battista nativo di Torino, Carlo Barandier di Giuseppe nativo della Croce rossa (Chiamberi) Carlo Armano di Grosso del vivente Conte Luigi di Torino, Michele Regis del vivente Giuseppe di Castigliole di Saluzzo, Annibale Santorre Derossi di Pomarolo detto Santa Rosa fu Conte Michele di Savigliano, Guglielmo Moffa di Lisio del vivente Sigr Conte Corrado di Torino, Carlo Asinari di Caraglio del Sigr Marchese Filippo di Torino, Giacinto Provana di Collegno fu Conte Giuseppe nativo di Torino, Evasio Radice del vive Filippo di Vercelli, Ignazio Rossi fu Vittorio Amedeo di Grugliasco, e Carlo Vittorio Morozzo di Magliano fu Conte Pietro Amedeo di Torino.

Contumaci ed inquisiti

e

D'essere rei di delitto di Lesa Maestà in primo grado, ed alto tradimento, ribellione, per avere tutti cooperato alla sorpresa della Cittadella d'Alessandria, previa congiura tra di loro, e con altri per sovvertire il legittimo Governo, e sostenerne lo sconvolgimento. Per forma di quale Sentenza vennero li sudetti inquisiti, e contumaci Ansaldi, Ratazzi, Appiani, Dossena, Luzzį, Baronis, Bianco, Barandier, Armano, Derossi, Moffa, Asinari, Provana, Radice, Rossi, e Morozzo condannati

nella confisca de loro beni, ed alla pena della morte col mezzo della forca, previa degradazione dai loro rispettivi gradi, ed onori, ed una publica emenda da farsi a piedi del patibolo, secondo la formola, che verrà prescritta dal Sigr Relatore della Causa, e nelle spese. e dichiarati li medesimi inquisiti, e contumaci incorsi in tutte le pene, e pregiudizi imposti dalle Regie Costituzioni contro li banditi di primo Catalogo, nel quale ha mandato li medesimi descriversi, non ritardata intanto, stante la loro contumacia, l'esecuzione in effigie della prelodata Sentenza. In esecuzione di qual sentenza per le presenti, cosi instante, e richiedente per detto Regio Fisco il sig. Avvocato Fiscale Generale presso il Reale Senato di Piemonte, cominettiamo, e mandiamo al primo Usciere, Serviente generale, 0 Messo giurato richiesto, d'intimar, e notificar alli detti condannati e contumaci Ansaldi, Rattazzi, Appiani, Dossena, . Luzzi, Barandier, Armano di Grosso, Baronis, Bianco, Regis, Santorre Derossi, Moffa di lisio Alinari, Provana, Radice, Rossi, e Morozzo.

detta Sentenza, acciò non ne possano pretendere d'ignoranza, insieme di notificar ad ogni persona di qualunque grado, e condizione si sia la medesima, acciò sia noto a tutti essere detti inquisiti, condannati

Ansaldi, Rattazzi, Appiani, Dossena, Luzzi, Baronis, Bianco, Barandier, Armano, Regis, Derossi, Moffa, Asinari, Provana, Radice, Rossi, e Morozzo. incorsi in tutti li pregiudizj de' banditi, inibendo ad ogni, e qualunque persona suddita di S. M. di qualsivoglia stato, grado, e condizione, di ricettare, favorire, e soccorrere detti banditi, agli osti d'alimentarli, alloggiarli o ricettarli, ed a chi si sia d'accettare, conversare, e negoziare con i medesimi, ordinando, e commandando alli Giudici, Castellani, loro Luogotenenti, e Segretarj di tener nel Tribunale nota affissa della Sentenza contro detti condannati e contumaci Ansaldi, Rattazzi, Appiani, Dossena, Luzzi, Barandier, Baronis, Bianco, Armano, Regis, Derossi, Moffa, Asinari, Provana, Radice, Rossi, e Morozzo, proferta, ad a' Sindici, e Consiglieri delle Città, Terre, e Luoghi degli Stati di detta M. S., di star ben avvertiti, che detti banditi non si trattenghino per breve, o lungo tempo nel territorio, o

confini di essi rispettivi luoghi, ma dover senz'alcuna dilazione perseguitarli, e procurarne l'arresto, sotto le pene nelle Regie Costituzioni imposte. Dichiarando l'intimazione fatta secondo il disposto in dette Costituzioni valere.

Dat. in Torino li dieci nove Luglio mille otto cento e venti uno.

Per detta Eccellentissima

Regia DELEGAZIONE

The document reproduced above marks the close of one of the most interesting episodes of the Italian Risorgimento, and one which was to affect profoundly the future of the

movement.

During the eighteenth century Italy appeared dead and decaying. The common people were apathetic under their foreign or native rulers; and only a few of the upper classes were left to mourn for past independence. Unity under one government was hardly dreamt of even by the most enlightened.

the more enlightened nobles, who had hitherto spent all their energies in fostering the recent scientific inventions such as the electric-cell and the steam-engine, but they were spreading, and threatened to permeate the whole country. Men were eagerly talking not only of political reform, but also of national union and the expulsion of the foreigner.

the

The Treaty of Vienna had left Austria the predominant power in Italy; and any demand for political liberty and national union threatened her hold on the country. It was her interest, therefore, to support the absolute rulers and suppress the new ideas. The returned dynasties in whose eyes all reform was connected with French Revolution, and therefore anathema, readily fell in with Austrian policy and welcomed her help. Driven underground by persecution the new ideas found a refuge in the Secret Societies, which sprang up all over the country, and more especially in that of the Carbonari (Charcoal Burners); and it became the fashion for liberals to become members of that society. The Carbonari's watchword was freedom and independence: it is they who first realised that independence could not be attained unless the masses first became enthusiastic for the struggle against the foreigner.

In spite of the work of the societies the earlier liberal movements remained confined as already stated to the educated classes; and, as might be expected, ideas ventilated in salons and clubs tended to adopt a doctrinaire aspect. Constitution - mongering became the fashion although doctrinaire con

herd, who even thought that " constitution "

was a man!

Then came the French Revolution, the irruption into Italy of the republican troops and the fall of the old dynasties. Such a cataclysm was bound to leave behind it deep traces; nevertheless it is easy to exaggerate its effects. As regards the large majority of the people the French invasion meant but a change of masters whose greater efficiency only rendered their exactions more severe. Works of art, money and soldiers left the country for the good of the conqueror, for the most part never to return. One may say in fact that the only permanent effect left by the French was the changed outlook of the upper classes, and that was circum-stitutions could never appeal to the common scribed and partial. The early hopes of liberty which the republican tenets had aroused were disappointed, but Italy had actually been united for six years and a large portion of it had been efficiently though harshly governed for a longer period. While the passing of French rule left the lower orders perhaps a little better off materially, but otherwise very much as they were before, many of the upper classes had received some training in the administration of the country, and their ideas had been enlarged. The old dynasties, therefore, found on their return that their subjects had changed. The inefficiency, which had been rampant in so many of the former states was no longer borne unquestioned even by the humblest. New ideas of political liberty were springing up. At this time these were almost wholly confined to groups of the bourgeoisie and

In Piedmont conditions were different from the rest of the Peninsula. Victor Emanuel I., the reigning King, was a kindly old gentleman, who loved his country and his people, but was wholly incapable of understanding the new forces at work round him and was strongly influenced by his Austrian wife, a whole-hearted reactionary. His brother Charles Felix, was narrow bigoted and wholly under the influence of the Jesuits. A large section of the aristocracy, especially in Savoy, still retained a semi-feudal character with high ideals of personal service to the sovereign. But the King and Charles Felix cherished no illusions as to the real character of Austrian policy, and hated that power with all the hatred inherited from generations of ances

[ocr errors]

tors who knew Austria only too well. It was Charles Felix who said that Austria was a kind of bird-lime which you could never get off your fingers. Building on these wellknown views of their rulers the Liberals hoped to establish a constitution with the assent of the King; and in this hope they were encouraged by the attitude of the third prominent member of the Royal House.

Charles Albert, prince of Carignano, a scion of a younger branch of the House of Savoy, was son of the only member of his house who had come to terms with Napoleon, and was therefore contemned by his relations. His very eccentric mother had been responsible for his education, if such a name can be given to the neglect with which he was treated; and the only permanent result seems to have been due to a Swiss master who taught him the doctrines of Rousseau. Liberal principles seem to have been nearest his heart to the very end; but many other influences were at work. The young prince, meeting with little sympathy from his kinsmen, became introspective and diffident, with the result that he developed a fatal indecision, aggravated by a sensitive conscience. The religious mysticism which he acquired later only helped to accentuate his faults. The coldness of his own family drove him to find friends elsewhere, and these he found among the Liberals, with whose tenets he sympathised. Their leaders became his intimate friends, and one of them, Captain Radice of the Artillery, became his private secretary.

The little group that gathered round Charles Albert included men of the noblest families. Pre-eminent among them was Count Santorre di Santarosa. Destined for the army he had been obliged to abandon that career in consequence of the French conquest. It was he who formed the scheme of calling together Napoleon's old soldiers under General Pino, who had greatly distinguished himself as the commander of the Italian division in the Peninsula, and forming a national Italian army. Thwarted of his aspirations and out of tune with the times his ardent spirit flagged under disappointment; he remained a thinker rather than a man of action. His friends were mostly in the army. Colonel San Marsano, son of the Piedmontese Foreign Minister, was second in command of the Queen's Dragoons; Count Lisio was captain in the light horse; Collegno, like his friend Radice, was a gunner, a branch of the service which was more than any other favourable to the

new ideas. All these young men belonged to the Carbonari or to some other Secret Society with similar aims.

Carbonarism had been introduced into Piedmont in 1816 by Doctor Gastone and Grandi, a lawyer. The Piedmontese members of the Society were in continuous correspondence with their fellows in the other provinces. For instance, when the Neapolitan Revolution broke out, an emissary was at once sent to Turin to concert a plan of operation. Earlier still, the Lombard Pecchio had come to Piedmont on a mission. Another still more important mission will be referred to later. Soon a vast conspiracy came into being, whose somewhat nebulous aims were to extort constitutions from all Italian sovereigns, drive out the Austrians and form three states under the Kings of Piedmont and Naples and the Pope, who were to join together in a League.

As

In 1820 the revolt which had broken out in Spain was stirring the spirits of the Liberals, and the Spanish Constitution became the aim, one might almost say the parrot cry, of the conspirators. It was at this time that the mission referred to above took place. Early in 1820 Captain Radice was sent to Milan and while there conferred with Counts Gonfalioneri, Belgioioso and Porro, in other words with all the most prominent and enlightened Liberals of Lombardy. he was secretary to Charles Albert he could not have gone to Milan without the Prince's knowledge. Whether Charles Albert gave him any instructions, and, if so, what were those instructions, is not known. In all probability Charles Albert foresaw that a clash between Austria and the Liberals would occur sooner or later, and he wanted reliable information as to the state of Lombardy. It is interesting to observe that the Austrian Government itself thought that there lay a good deal more behind this mission of Radice than met the eye. Metternich, almost prophetically, saw in Charles Albert Austria's inveterate foe, and made every effort to ruin him. When, later, Count Gonfalonieri was imprisoned and sentenced to death he was very closely crossexamined as to his relations with Radice, and it was probably due as much to the hope of extracting some information to a disadvantage of Charles Albert's reputation as to the efforts of his noble wife that the Count's sentence was commuted to imprisonment in the dungeons of Spielberg. Gonfalonieri, however, died as he had lived, a great gentleman, and no word which might

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

implicate the Prince of Carignano passed his lips. Similarly, after the failure of the Revolution of 1821 in Piedmont, none of the exiles was SO relentlessly persecuted as Radice. The Austrians felt that he knew vital secrets; and both they and the Piedmontese Blacks," the reactionary, Jesuitic party, made every effort to get him into their hands. Many were his adventures. Once, while travelling in Switzerland, he only escaped arrest because, attracted by the beauty of the scenery, he decided to leave the mailcoach and finish his journey on foot. The coach was stopped soon after he had left it and searched. Radice also never spoke, and the secret which would finally settle the question whether Charles Albert had committed himself to the revolutionaries only to desert them later, which many asserted, will probably never be revealed. As far as the writer is aware this is the first time that these facts are made public. F. R. RADICE.

(To be concluded.)

SHADWELL AND THE TORY POETS.'

lines from

IN 1800 Malone made a quotation of four 'The Tory Poets' relative to a duel between Otway and Settle, and with a brief comment that the poem contained sharp satire upon the various Tory poets of 1682, he let the matter drop. (Life of Dryden,' i. 1. 165). As Malone had access to the single known copy, originally Luttrell's, and that copy disappeared, this poem with its four hundred and fifty odd lines and long dedication devoted to the personal abuse of Dryden, Otway, D'Urfey, and Aphra Behn, has remained fallow to biographers of these poets and of Shadwell, its assumed author. Meanwhile Bindley's collection of five volumes of pamphlets, which had provided Malone voluminous material for his Life of Dryden had passed into the hands of Dyce. Thus to-day The Tory Poets' reposes with the other Drydeniana in the South Kensington Museum.

[ocr errors]

The quarto has the MS. date Sept. 4 in the hand of Luttrell, and is dated 1682 on the title-page, as published by R. Johnson. If then we accept Luttrell's date of acquisition as approximately that of publication, the satire falls seasonably into the controversy raging around Mac Flecknoe' and Absalom and Achitophel,' and sufficiently

distant in point of time from 'The Medal of John Bayes' to make it quite possible that Shadwell was author of both invectives, as well as The Lenten Prologue Refus'd by the Players,' 1682. These were Shadwell's parting shots at the stage and politics. His profession of playwright had been cut from beneath him by the political turmoil of the period and his Whig cause was slowly sinking to the tune of profanity and abuse. My Muse the Court will leave, contemn the Stage,

A long Farewell to so prophane an Age. (The Tory Poets ').

[ocr errors]

His final play, prior to seven lean years of Tory supremacy, was The Lancashire Witches' of September, 1681, and now in 1682 time did not make him the better humored or the less prolific.

There can be little doubt but that 'The Tory Poets' was the angry outburst of Shadwell. If its authorship can be so identified, that of the other two seems to be fairly certain, inasmuch as they conduct the attack similarly.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

Shadwell's venom, in this poem, was directed particularly against Dryden, for which Mac Flecknoe was the sufficient occasion. His attack upon Otway, whom the other Whiggish "" character men generally disdained to notice, may be partly motivated by the brilliant success of Nicky Nacky in Venice Preserved' and, of greater importance to Shadwell, partly by the break-up of the friendship that had Shadwell's dear Zany" (The Session of the existed in 1678, when Otway was Tom Poets '). 'The Tory Poets' does not menrect the somewhat lame satire of Otway's tion Venice Preserved' but it does resur

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

Complaint to his Muse.' In 1679, when this latter poem was composed, there had come a parting of the political ways. Otway was thrown in with his former rival, Dryden, and simultaneously with this readjustment, came one of those paroxysms of repentance which were to harass Otway up to Then, glancing at the huge frame of Shadwell, he had said:

his death.

I miss'd the brave and wise and in their stead

On every sort of Vanity I fed : Gay Coxcombs, Cowards, Knaves, and prating Fools,

Bullies of o're-grown Bulk, and little Souls. Yet, in contrast to the virulence of Shadwell's attack upon Dryden, this upon Otway is comparatively tame. It paints, however, a more complete, if prejudiced, full

« ElőzőTovább »