a

conducted on the principles of that of and I will not argue an impossible case.
lord Liverpool, and, as far as his wish But to those who can entertain any such
went, that it should be composed of the distrust I will shortly answer, that should
same individuals. I see, then, no great such a case arise, my noble friend and
inconsistency, under similar circumstances, his colleagues would always have the re-
in a similar offer being made by the noble medy in their own hands; namely, the
duke to Mr. Canning's friends, or being power of retiring from office; nor can I
accepted by them; no objection at least entertain a doubt of their having recourse
arising out of any incompatibility in their to that remedy without a moment's hesita-
political principles, or any important dif- tion, rather than submit to any compro-
ferences of opinion, or any great measures mise of their principles, any more than I
of government. As to any objections can suspect the noble duke of intending
arising from private feelings, I have already to drive thein to that necessity,
stated why I think they might and ought Upon these grounds, my lords, I am
to be subordinate to a sense of public duty. disposed confidently to expect that the
But, notwithstanding the experience of the noble duke's administration will be con-
noble duke and Mr. Capning having acted ducted upon principles in conformity to
together as colleagues, and the degree of those which I have always supported,
concurrence of their principles which is during the long period that my political
thence to be inferred, and notwithstanding course was united with that of Mr. Can-
the explanations which have taken place ning ; nor, until I see some practical sign
as to any differences of opinion which of a disposition to depart from those prin-
might have arisen since the noble duke ciples, will I withdraw my confidence, or
and Mr. Canning had ceased to act to anticipate the probability of its being dis-
gether as colleagues, there are some noble appointed.
lords who are of opinion, that some stipu- The Duke of Wellington 'said, he did
lations, or pledges, or guarantees, ought not rise with the intention of entering at
to have been demanded by my noble and any length into this discussion, which, in
right hon. friends, the Secretaries for the his opinion, was entirely uncalled-for, and
Foreign Affairs and for the Colonies. 1 might as well have been left alone ; or of
must confess that I entirely differ from making any profession of principles, be-
that opinion. For them to have required cause he thought that unnecessary, and
any such guarantee would, in my opinion, because he hoped, after what had fallen
have been worse than unnecessary; and from the noble lord, that he would support
I heard without surprise, and with entire the principles on which he (the duke)
concurrence, the noble duke's assertion, should act. But he rose to protest against
that it was impossible for Mr. Huskisson any such imputations being cast upon
to have used the words attributed to him him, as that he had entertained any per-
in the papers ; indeed, I knew that he had sonal hostility to Mr. Canning. On a for-
not used them; for I had seen him on mer occasion, he had stated distinctly to
the day after his return from Liverpool, their lordships, why he did not think pro-
when I asked him whether the reports of per to remain in the government of which
his speech were in that respect correct : Mr. Canning was the head. The com-
he said that he had seen no report of his munications that had passed between him
speech but that in the Liverpool Courier. and Mr. Canning had, unfortunately, he
I then referred to a London paper, when must be allowed to say, been made pub-
he declared that report to be incorrect, lic; and he defied any man to point out
and explained to me the sense in which he any thing like personal feeling in those
had used the words, exactly as he ex- communications. It was true, that, when
plained them afterwards in his place. In be found it necessary to withdraw from
that sense I conceive them to have been the government, he had also thought it
correct. For I cannot suspect the noble his duty to lay down the military office
duke of making an offer to men of honour which he held; but he begged leave to
to retain their offices, meaning afterwards call their lordships' recollection to the ex-
to call upon them to abandon the princi- planation which he had given at that
ples on which they had previously admi- time, and to his subsequent conduct.
nistered theni, even if no explanation had After he had left the government, he had
taken place; after the explanations which always met Mr. Canning in the way in
took place, I consider it to be impossible, which he had been accustomed to meet

him, and had not departed from those eighth of their annual dividends for the habits of friendship which had marked public security, as required by a clause in their previous intercourse. But he would their bill, had, he said, taken care to keep go further. He had no hostility towards the whole in their own funds. Now, Mr. Canning's government. He had, it would parliament consent to grant to this was true, proposed that a clause should company additional privileges, when the be added to the corn-bill; but had he not, directors had not complied with that clause at the same time, begged of the govern- in the bill? He was the more opposed to ment to adopt that clause, or something it, because he found among the directors like it, and not to abandon the bill ? He and managers many names which figured must repeat, that to the day of his death, in the concoctior of the Arigna Mining he had felt no personal hostility towards Company, and various other fraudulent Mr. Canning; and that Mr. Canning was schemes. He hoped that the House would equally free from the imputation of having not concur in the report, as the directors entertained any political hostility towards had proved themselves unworthy of confihim.

dence. Lord Melross said, he agreed in every Mr. Clinton hoped the House would syllable that had fallen from lord Seaford, examine the amendments recommended and could not let that opportunity pass by this report, before they adopted the without declaring himself satisfied with course now suggested. He admitted that the conduct of Mr. Canning's friends. the dividends had not been applied as reTheir lordships then adjourned. quired by the act; and it was to provide a

remedy for that misapplication, that these HOUSE OF COMMONS.

clauses were now offered by the committee.

If the directors should hereafter dispose of Monday, February 25.

the one-eighth of the dividends otherwise IMPERIAL Gas COMPANY Bill.] The than as directed by the bill, they would be Report of this bill was brought up. On subjected to a penalty of 5001. each. Anthe motion, that the amendments made by other clause called upon the directors to the committee be read a second time, lay their accounts annually before parlia

Mr. Hume opposed the bill, on the ment. The only additional power that ground that the company had not complied these amendments in the act was to give the with the provisions of the bill which they company was the power of raising 150,0001. had obtained in a former session. By that to enable the directors to carry the provisions bill they had agreed, whenever a dividend of the former act into effect. The comwas made, that one-eighth of such profits pany lighted all the north-west of the should be invested in government security, metropolis, extending over several miles until the sum so obtained should have ac- of turnpike-road ; and their finances cumulated to 250,0001., which was to be were insufficient for that purpose. He funded for the purpose of meeting all le- knew nothing of the company until the gal demands against the company. This present session ; and had now arrangement had been shamefully departed forward because the hon. gentleman who from, and the company had the front, not- had obtained the former acts was not now withstanding, to come to parliament for a member. the purpose of acquiring an increase of Mr. Calcraft thought it would be highly power, and an extension of their funds. improper to trust those who had already This company possessed an advantage abused the confidence of the public, and set over all other gas companies, as each mem- at nought the acts of the legislature. The hon. ber was liable only to the amount of the member, who spoke last, confessed that the share he had adventured, whereas others in company had been guilty of flagrant abuses. curred the risk of their entire fortunes. This was now the third time of their comOn these grounds he moved, that the re- ing to that House for purposes aggranport- be read on that day six months. He dizement. On the first occasion they had opposed the bill on public motives, not obtained 250,0001. on the understanding knowing any thing of the parties concerned, that a contingent fund should be esta but by their past conduct.

blished. On the second application they Mr. G. Robinson seconded the amend received 250,0001. more, although the cons ment. The directors of this company, in- dition had proved a dead letter ; and stead of vesting in the public funds one. I they now came athird time for an additional

come

of

150,0001.; and still there was no contingent , letting land in Ireland. In consequence fund. He thought the company had gained of the present system, the occupying tenant exceedingly by the change of support in was often distrained three times, through that House; for, if this bill had been brought the insolvency of the superior landlords in by the hon. gentleman who had brought through whom he held the land. These in the former bill, no man in the House evils were of daily occurrence, and could would support it, as that hon. member not be borne patiently. The number of (Mr. Peter Moore) was known to have the people made them dangerous, and tyconcocted

many

of these fraudulent ranny and poverty would render them forschemes. He hoped the bill would not midable. These were the weapons before be allowed to proceed any

further. In- which, in the event of the present system stead of granting new powers, parliament urging them to despair, must ultimately ought to repeal the former act.

fall the wealth, the education, and the Mr. Alderman Waithman said, that the greatness, of this country. By the present fact of a connexion with the Arigua mode of government, instead of the people Mining Company, and those other public of Ireland being united in love and affeccheats which had so materially injured the tion, a spirit of hostility was introduced community, together with the admission, between them. Let the parliament of this by the chairman of the committee, that country yield the Catholic question, and abuses had been practised for so consider they would hear nothing more about the able a period, were fully sufficient to war- management of property ; but until that rant their rejection of the present demand. measure was conceded, its refusal would Seeing that the company had so grossly aggravate the amount of every grievance. abused their trust for the sake of emolu- Mr. G. Dawson observed, that he felt ment, the House ought not to listen to it his duty to say a few words on the inany proposal which had for its object any justice of a petition, which had for its obaddition to their finances. Even if the ject the making a complaint against that bill were in itself a desirable measure, he part of the law known by the name of the would not consent to enlarge the powers Subletting Act in Ireland. When that act of the company.

was about to be brought into parliament, Mr. Maberly opposed the second read the nature of its enactments were carefully ing of the report. The company enjoyed, made known throughout Ireland. No ob he said, a charter which gave them a great jection was made to it; and it was not monopoly; and they had endeavoured to until other circumstances had called up make that monopoly still greater, by evad- the Catholics in opposition to the act, that ing the conditions with which they were one word had been said about its supposed bound to comply.

evils. The present petition was not from The House divided : For the original the landlords or tenantry of Ireland, but motion 6; For the amendment 75. The from the Catholic Association. There was bill was consequently lost.

hardly the name of one occupying tenant

affixed to it; and he would venture to say LANDLORD AND Tenant (IRELAND) that it was the petition of the real oppresBill.) Mr. Hume presented a Petition, sors of Ireland-he meant her middlemen. signed by the principal noblemen and in proof of this he would read from it a leading Roman Catholics of Ireland, com- sentence, in which would be found words plaining oft he operation, and praying a to this effect "Can you, we ask with all modification, of the Landlord and Tenant deference and respect-can a Christian bill, which had recently passed into a legislature contemplate two millions of law.

murders, without horror and affright? We Lord Milton expressed a hope that, know that they are Irishmen, and poor Irishwhatever alterations it might be found ne- men, but is not their blood of price in the cessary to make in the details, the House sight of the Almighty." He would not would not lose sight of the principle of the comment further on such expressions; but measure, as it was calculated to produce he would ask whether, if the sentiments the most beneficial effects in Ireland. contained in the petition were those of the i Mr. Brownlow also defended the prin- tenantry of Ireland, the table of the House ciple of the bill, and contended, that it was would not have been crowded with them calculated to put an end the great evils before now? The truth was, that the produced by the pernicious practice of sub- tenantry of Ireland were protected by this

act; and while that protection was afforded was non-residence; and the best remedy them, he trusted the House would not be was, he thought, to create a numerous, carried away by warmth of language, but honest, and independent body of occupywould stay for proof of injury, before they ing tenantry. The grievance of non-resimade up their minds to condemn an act dence existed equally in Wales; but the which had been so long in operation with great difference between Wales and Ireland out complaint. This act afforded the only was, that the former possessed a respectremedy against the miseries which the sys- able body of occupying tenantry, of which tem of subletting had introduced. In the latter was in want. Though, in the stead of Ireland being a garden, as it reign of James, the operation of gavelought to be, it was any thing but a gar- kind tenures was put an end to by parliaden: and instead of exhibiting that high ment, yet that tenure still, in fact, existed degree of cultivation which it ought, its in the leases of Ireland. He appealed to agriculture was in a state that was a re- the House, whether the attempt to intimiproach to any country calling itself agri- date them by the picture of the miseries cultural. He did not mean to say that the of Ireland, and of their consequences, was bill was faultless; but he recommended calculated to produce a beneficial effect. the House to adhere to its principle, and He knew it had been said in a distinguished to introduce such amendments as might speech, delivered in a certain place, that appear necessary in its details. With the Catholics of Ireland had risen in such amendments it would be one of the strength, like the Jews of old; but he greatest benefits they could confer upon trusted no such language would be reIreland.

peated, with the vain idea of intimidation. Mr. North approved of the principle of Let the House steadily adopt measures the bill, and thought there was not one tending to improve the condition of the man who really felt for the evils of Ireland tenantry of Ireland—to secure them from that did not approve of it. He did not that worst of all misfortunes, that of being concur with all its provisions, as they at driven for rent, when their rent had alpresent stood. He thought the clause ready been paid ; and then, whatever which provided that a tenant who pos- might be the other evils of Ireland, the sessed land under a lease should be pre- House would have done much towards cluded from devising his farm to more lessening their effects. than one person ought to be repealed, as Mr. R. Colborne suggested that the it compelled the testator either to sacrifice discussion had already gone far enough, his children, and vest the property exclu- as they would soon have an opportunity sively in his wife, or to mark out one fa- of debating the question when it came vourite child to the exclusion of the wife properly before the House. and of the other sons and daughters. He Mr. Secretary Peel said, from what had thought, too, that some limitation of the fallen from his right hon. friend, the Irish periods of time mentioned in the act ought Secretary, the other night, he seemed to be to be provided; and that the guardian of prepared to submit a proposition, for the an infant or lunatic should be empowered amendment of this bill, to their considerato give his consent to an assignment pro- tion. Under these circumstances, the posed by the tenant.

best course would be, to wait until the proMr. F. Lewis was also in favour of the posed amendment came distinctly before principle of the bill, the tendency of which, them. He would not more immediately he thought, was to assimilate tenures of refer to the terms of the petition, or to land in Ireland to those in England. In the object of those who presented it, consequence of the dissimilarity which than by saying, that the most dignified renow existed in these tenures, the appear- venge the House could adopt was, to pass ance of the land in Ireland was very dif- such amendments as they conceived would ferent from that in England. The same afford the best remedy to the evils that difference existed between the appearance were admitted to be in the bill. of the men and of their habitations ; Mr. H. Grattan thought that if memand whoever had passed through Ireland, bers passed over the petition, without atmust have remarked the want of those tempting to protect the petitioners from comfortable homesteads which distin- the effects of the bill, they would not disguished the counties of England. It had charge their duty. He differed from the been said, that the grievance of Ireland I hon. member who proposed to apply the

He was

year 1828."

same laws to the two countries; and he were at present between two stools, and objected to the act, as he thought it was that, what with the Finance Committee on passed against the interests of the tenant, the one hand, and what with the Governwhose property was rendered almost value- ment on the other, we should be in a less by the impossibility of assignment. pretty state before long. He wished to He denied that the petition had originated ask his hon. and gallant friend, what quanwith the Catholic Association, as he had tity of shipping it was determined to keep last session presented several petitions , in actual force. He saw that there was from landholders to a similar effect. 800,0001. to be voted this year for timber Ordered to lie on the table.

alone.

sure that that grant

might be very considerably reduced. We Navy Estimates.] The House hav- had, at present, one hundred and ten sail ing resolved into a committee, to which of the line building and in ordinary. Did these Estimates were referred,

government intend to keep up the whole Sir G. Clerk said, that as future and of that force ? Now, when he looked fitter opportunities would occur, he should at the estimates for 1792, and again at not go into any detail of the items. At the estimates for 1828, there did appear present it was proposed only to take half to him a mystery which it would be diffithe sum that would probably be required cult to unrisvel. In 1792, we had 414 for the service of the year, He moved, ships of all classes ; and in 1828 we had “that the sum of 2,208,2331. 13s. 9 d. 504. In 1792 the number of officers and be granted to his majesty on account, to- shipkeepers were 4,224; and in 1828, wards defraying the Naval Service of the 2,780. Indeed, it was impossible to look

at these estimates, as compared with those Sir J, Yorke said, that although he was of 1792, without seeing the wide differone of those who were anxious to shorten ence in the expense of the men ; 2,780 the debates of that House, he was not al- men cost at one time 105,8151., while at together at his ease, when he saw that his another 4,224 cost only 93,0001. He hon. friend intended to shorten into a earnestly hoped the Finance Committee single vote a discussion which had often would look close at these things; and paroccupied the House more than a whole ticularly at the cost of the manufacture of night. He conceived that there were shipping. He was not a man to war items in the present estimates, which the against authority, and he therefore looked, Committee of Finance ought to treat in a not to the lord high admiral, but to the very inquisitorial manner, and which, if council who advised him; and if they gave they did so treat, were certain to be re- his royal highness evil advice, wo betide duced considerably. It was stated, the the executive. He was not in the House other night, by the Secretary to the Ord- the other evening when his gallant friend

that the duke of Wellington bad had alluded to the fifty thousand seamen's nade considerable reductions in that de- jackets which had been turned up. These partment of the public service, and that were charged 12s. 6d. to the seamen, and by those reductions he had not only in the taking them back left the country minus creased its utility, but had stimulated the the Lord knew what. The council had zeal of those who were employed in it. advised his royal highness to get rid of He trusted that similar reductions would these jackets, and the Navy-office had be speedily made in the naval department, Aung the business from their Atlean with similar benefit to the public service. shoulders upon the feebler back of the He should like to know why his hon. Victualling-board. On these fifty thousand friend below him, who had so often played jackets, there was, perhaps, a loss of 10s. first fiddle on occasions like the present, upon each, which made a good round sum, and the music of whose voice he was But, “ Oh,” said his gallant friend, happy to hear again from his former situa- have taken the seamen out of the hand of tion,' had again come forward to propose the Jews : the poor tars were previously these votes, instead of his hon, and gallant in the habit of going to these infernal felfriend (sir G, Cockburn), who had been lows, the Hebrew Jews.” Into whose first appointed to propose them. He hands, then, had he put them? Why, he wanted to hear from his hon. and gallant had taken them from the Jews to deliver friend, what reductions were meditated at them over to the Gentiles; for the Victual, the Admiralty. He was afraid that we'ling-office was to charge them 24s. for

we