have been born with them; but to himself more than to any, or to all of them together, must be ascribed that vigorous plantation movement throughout this province, of which we shall have to speak in detail. "If my poor endeavours," says he, when writing to the king, "may give any help and furtherance to so glorious and worthy a design, besides my duty and obedience to your Majesty, my heart is so well affected unto it, that I had rather labour with my hands in the plantation of Ulster, than dance or play in that of Virginia." This announcement of his loyalty and patriotism was made in the autumn of 1610, and just after he had received royal grants of very extensive lands-hundreds of thousands of acres-that had belonged to O'Neills and O'Doghertys. He was perfectly sincere, therefore, in his preference of Ulster to Virginia, or indeed to any other region in the world besides.

No sooner had Chichester mounted the vice-regal chair than his revolutionary policy in Ulster began to produce its natural fruits. He was not long in teaching the natives that although they had laid down their arms and were formally taken under the protection of law, there still existed a grand controversy between them and their subjugators, which would be fought to the bitter end, if not on the tented field, at least in the courts of law. The Ulster leaders had been restored, no doubt, to their estates, but their patents had hardly been made out and presented to them when 'discoverers' were able to find fatal flaws therein, and State lawyers were employed to strip them of all but the merest shreds of their ancestral properties. Immense sweeps of their estates also were claimed by the protestant bishops as termon and herenagh lands, from which the Ulster lords paid the preceding bishops small chiefries, but which lands the protestant bishops claimed in demesne, and had their claim eventually allowed. In addition to these dire discouragements, all their (the Irish leaders') movements were watched, and any unguarded words, spoken at times of provocation, were reported in glowing colours to the authorities in Dublin. In the short interval between the restoration of the northern earls and their flight, Chichester himself publicly insulted the youthful Earl of Tyrconnell on at least two occasions, and even permitted Davys, the attorney-general, to insult the old Earl of Tyrone before the council-table. The indignities and litigations to which these northern earls were exposed must have rendered them more or less discontented; and if they were not the conspirators they are said to have been, it was not, truly, from lack of sufficient provocation on the part of their enemies. It was reported in Ulster, however, on what appeared to be the best authority, that the government intended to seize the Earl of Tyrconnell in Dublin, when passing to see his wife at Maynooth; and to seize the Earl of Tyrone in London, which he was about to visit, for the purpose of having a dispute with O'Cahan settled in presence of the King; but before these contemplated seizures could be made, the two earls, with several of their connexions and friends, had sailed away from Lough Swilly, on the 3rd of September, 1607, never to return.

These unhappy fugitives were not charged with conspiracy until after their flight, and even then only on the evidence of two men, St. Lawrence and Nugent (Lords Howth and Delvin), whom the authorities in London and Dublin did not believe, and whose corrupt motives in telling their several stories were sufficiently apparent. It is remarkable, indeed, that although Tyrone might reasonably be supposed to take the central place in any such conspiracy, had it really existed, there was

no charge of previous combination made against him either before or after the "flight." They fled simply from fear of arrest, and because their seizure might have been followed either by execution or a life-long imprisonment in the Tower of London. Because they had escaped without the deputy's knowledge or permission, and had taken refuge among friends on the continent supposed to be hostile, as a matter of course, to the policy of England, they were denounced as traitors, and their lands confiscated. But although Davys was able to indict them at Lifford amd Strabane, so as to obtain a decree of outlawry, not a particle of the evidence by which that indictment was sustained can be found among the State papers. A copy of the indictment itself now re-appears, but only because it had been secretly, and against rule, sent by Davys for Salisbury's private perusal! By their outlawry all their estates escheated to the crown, and were soon made available for plantation purposes. These estates comprised all the temporal lands in the county of Tyrone, including the barony of Loughinshollin; all in the county of Armagh, excepting the barony of Orior; all in the county of Donegal, excepting the barony of Inishowen; and more than the half of the county Fermanagh, for Cuconnaght Maguire who owned this territory had gone into voluntary exile with the earls. Certain other great fragments of Ulster were soon to be added to the field for plantation.

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CHAPTER II.-THE ORDERS AND CONDITIONS OF PLANTATION.

I.

HE broad lands, thus quietly abandoned to the planters by the flight of the northern earls, were soon to receive vast additions, as mentioned at the close of the preceding chapter. These additions included Cavan, the 'country' of the O'Reillys; Fermanagh, the 'country' of the Maguires; Coleraine, the 'country' of the O'Cahans; the barony of Inishowen, which had belonged to Sir Cahir O'Dogherty; the estates of Sir Niall Garve O'Donnell, stretching from Lifford westward along the two banks of the Finn, and including the beautiful Lough Esk; the territory of Clogher, which belonged to Sir Cormac O'Neill, the Earl of Tyrone's brother; and last though not least in fertility or picturesque beauty, the 'country' of Orior, reaching from Armagh to the vicinity of Dundalk, and owned by the gallant old Sir Oghie O'Hanlon.

How had all these magnificent sweeps of Ulster territory become available for plantation purposes, so soon after the departure of the fugitives from Lough Swilly? The answer is not difficult, nor need it be lengthened. 1. Sir John O'Reilly had been induced to surrender his 'country,' and to take out a grant of it from the crown in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, who created him a knight. The lands of Cavan, by the Celtic law, strictly belonged to the whole clan, of whom Sir John O'Reilly had only been the elected trustee ; but the grant, on feudal terms from the crown, constituted him the owner in demesne, the interest being thus drawn to and centred in himself; so that, according to English law, should he become a traitor, the clansmen had no longer any right in the lands, and were to be regarded from that moment as simply intruders thereon. Sir John, as a matter of course, joined the Earl of Tyrone and other Ulster lords in 1595, but died soon afterwards. He was succeeded by his brother, and, on the death of the latter, an uncle became the representative of the clan. Both these leaders were slain in the progress of the war. Sir John O'Reilly, however, left a son named Mulmorie, who took his stand on the side of the government, and was slain at the battle of the Yellow Ford, leaving a son also named Mulmorie, who was a mere youth, at the time of the plantation. But Sir John himself, and his brother and uncle who succeeded, all died during the war, and accordingly the lands vested in the crown without even the necessity of investigation-the fact of their having died whilst in rebellion being enough to justify the confiscation of their estates without further delay. The youthful Mulmorie O'Reilly, whose father had died fighting on the side of the English at the Blackwater, and whose mother was a niece of the Duke of Ormonde, presented a very considerable difficulty for a time to Chichester's arrangements; but the scruples thus occasioned soon gave way under the plantation pressure, and young O'Reilly was obliged to accept a 'proportion' of his own lands, like any other English or Scottish undertaker.

2. Sir Hugh Maguire, the chief lord of Fermanagh, was a son-in-law of the Earl of Tyrone, and joined the latter in 1595. He was slain during the progress of the war, and his whole estates were

granted to his cousin, Connor Roe Maguire, who had taken the side of the government. But this arrangement was afterwards considered unjustifiable in some respects, and soon after the accession of James I. the county of Fermanagh was divided almost into two equal parts between Connor Roe and his cousin, Cuconnaght Maguire, the latter, as the brother and representative of Sir Hugh, considering himself rightfully entitled to all the family estates. He was, in fact, so dissatisfied with this division of his lands that he went with the earls into exile, and died soon afterwards at Genoa, Connor Roe, according to the arrangement above-mentioned, had three baronies, which Chichester represented as over-much; he was induced, therefore, to surrender his grant, and to accept one barony, which the king promised he should certainly have. But, even with this modificati on Chichester was not satisfied, and the matter ended in Connor Roe having to accept a small portion of what he regarded as his own, and on the same terms as the other undertakers.

3. Sir Donnell Ballagh O'Cahan, another son-in-law of the Earl of Tyrone, also espoused the quarrel of the latter in 1595, and was his most efficient ally for a time. But soon after Sir Henry Docwra landed at Derry, in the spring of the year 1600, O'Cahan surrendered to the government, and united his forces with those of Docwra, on condition that he should have a grant from the crown of the lands which his family had hitherto held under the O'Neills. This condition, with one or two reservations, was gladly accepted by the crown, and O'Cahan was granted a custodiam of his 'country' until the regular grant could be made out. But, after O'Cahan had most efficiently assisted the government in defeating O'Neill on the field, and afterwards in worrying him at the council table and in the courts of law, he could not get his grant as promised. His lands had become much more, acceptable than any services he could then possibly render; and, indeed, it came out at last that he, and all the O'Cahans together, were simply intruders on their own lands, from the date of the act known as the 11th of Elizabeth, which had never been repealed, and which vested in the crown the estates of Shane O'Neill, and of all such Ulster lords as had joined in his rebellion against the state, although the government, on making peace with Shane previously, had put all the Ulster uriaghts or sub-chiefs again under his sway. Sir Donnell O'Cahan, under these circumstances, naturally enough became sulky, and even perhaps rebelliously disposed. At all events, Chichester had him seized when he went to Dublin, in 1609, to complain of his grievances; and soon afterwards, he was sent to the Tower in London, where he was doomed to suffer a life-long imprisonment, being finally released by death in the year 1628.

4. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, the youngest of these Ulster knights, had probably the happiest fate, although apparently the most cruel at the time of its occurrence. On the death of his father, Sir John O'Dogherty, the clan elected Felim, the younger brother of the latter, to succeed him, which so enraged Sir Cahir's foster-brethren, the MacDavitts, that they agreed with Sir Henry Docwra, in 1601, to desert their own standards, and join the government on condition that Sir Cahir might have a grant of his father's estates from the crown. This offer was gladly accepted by Sir Henry Docwra, on the part of the government, and the matter was to be certainly arranged at the close of the war with O'Neill and O'Donnell. But it soon afterwards appeared that the best portion of the whole barony of Inishowen, namely, the island of Inch, with its valuable fishings, had

been granted to Sir Ralph Bingley. Although Docwra did his best to have his engagement to Sir Cahir made good, he failed in doing so, from the amount of powerful opposition against him. O'Dogherty naturally became discontented; and, in the meantime, Docwra felt so indignant, on account of certain treatment received from the government by himself, that he sold out his property in and around Derry to an Englishman named Pawlett, who was wholly unfitted (even according to the expressed opinion of Chichester himself), both from his arrogance and inexperience, for the duties of deputy-governor of Derry, which he required to discharge in Sir Henry Docwra's absence. Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, having lost his fishings, which were then the readiest and most valuable sources of revenue on his estates, was compelled to sell certain lands to Sir Richard Hansard; and, for this purpose, he required to visit Derry, and even to enter Pawlett's office, to await the arrival of the purchaser, and of Captain Hart, who was to witness the sale. Whilst there, an altercation arose between himself and Pawlett, during which the latter brutally struck him with his clenched fist in the face! O'Dogherty not wishing, perhaps, to try conclusions with Pawlett in the same vulgar style, or afraid lest the official bully might summon other equally unscrupulous parties to his aid, rushed from the office, and, unfortunately, before his rage had time to cool, met his two fosterbrothers, the MacDavitts, in the street. On hearing the cause of his excitement, they replied, in furious terms, that there was only one way of meeting such an insult, pledging themselves that they would be ready to march on Derry at the head of all the fighting men of the clan at a given hour! They but too faithfully kept to their determination, slaying Pawlett, sacking Derry, and summoning sympathisers far and near to arise and avenge their wrongs. The revolt attracted many Irish, especially from the county of Armagh; and its suppression required the services of picked troops, under the command of the best officers, including such men as Lambert and Wingfield. The struggle lasted only about three months, commencing early in the May of 1608, and going on to the 5th of July-on which day O'Dogherty was slain whilst skirmishing at a place called Duinn, or Doone, in Killmacrenan. The king had, previously to the commencement of the revolt, written a very decided letter to Chichester, requiring that Sir Cahir should receive an immediate grant of all his family estates, including the island of Inch with its fishing. There was ample time to have communicated the contents of this letter to Sir Cahir, and thus to have prevented the revolt; but, unfortunately, the letter was entrusted to one of Chichester's servants in London, and, perhaps, did not reach the deputy until after O'Dogherty had taken the field. At all events, O'Dogherty's body had hardly time to blacken in the sun on the spikes where its severed fragments were exposed, when Chichester's application for the barony of Inishowen reached the council in London through this same servant, John Strowd, and another named Francis Annesley. Although there were other and powerful applicants for Inishowen, the deputy outstripped or out-manœuvred them all, and secured the whole large spoil to himself.

5. Sir Niall Garve O'Donnell represented the main family of the Clann-Dalaigh, and he kept "nursing his wrath" because his cousin, Hugh Roe O'Donnell, was elected by the clan as its chief and representative. On the landing of the English at Derry under the command of Sir Henry Docwra, Sir Niall Garve offered to join the latter with one thousand chosen men, on condition