with goblinism and demonism and primitive notions of luck (sec. 6), and so they win traditional authority. Then they become regulative for succeeding generations and take on the character of a social force. They arise no one knows whence or how. They grow as if by the play of internal life energy. They can be modified, but only to a limited extent, by the purposeful efforts of men. In time they lose power, decline, and die, or are transformed. While they are in vigor they very largely control individual and social undertakings, and they produce and nourish ideas of world philosophy and life policy. Yet they are not organic or material. They belong to a superorganic system of relations, conventions, and institutional arrangements. The study of them is called for by their social character, by virtue of which they are leading factors in the science of society. When the analysis of the folkways has been concluded it is necessary that it should be justified by a series of illustrations, or by a setting forth of cases in which the operation of the mores is shown to be what is affirmed in the analysis. Any such exposition of the mores in cases, in order to be successful, must go into details. It is in details that all the graphic force and argumentative value of the cases are to be found. It has not peen easy to do justice to the details and to observe the necessary limits of space. The ethnographical facts which I present are not subsequent justification of generalizations otherwise obtained. They are selections from a great array of fats from which the generalizations were deduced. A number of other very important cases which I included in my plan of proofs and illustrations I have been obliged to leave out for lack o. space. Such are: Demonism, Primitive Religion, and Witchcraf; The Status of Women; War; Evolution and the Mores; Usury; Gambling; Societal Organization and Classes; Mortuary Ups; Oaths; Taboos; Ethics; Esthetics; and Democracy. T. first four of these are written. I may be able to publish them seɔn, separately. My next task is to finish the sociology. YALE UNIVERSITY W. G. SUMNEA For full titles of all books cited see the List of Books at the end of the volume, under the name of the author, or the leading word of the le, XIV. UNCLEANNESS AND THE EVIL EYE XV. THE MORES CAN MAKE ANYTHING RIGHT AND PREVENT .655 . 671 FOLKWAYS · CHAPTER I FUNDAMENTAL NOTIONS OF THE FOLKWAYS AND OF THE MORES Definition and mode of origin of the folkways. mores. The folkways are a societal force. — Folkways are made unconsciously. - Impulse and instinct; primeval stupidity; magic. — The strain of improvement and con- sistency. The aleatory element. - All origins are lost in mystery. — Spencer on primitive custom. Good and bad luck; ills of life; goodness and happiness. Illustrations. Immortality and compensation. - Tradition and its restraints. The concepts of "primitive society"; "we-groups and " others-groups." Sentiments in the in-group towards out-groups. Ethnocentrism. Illustrations. Patriotism. Chauvinism. The struggle for existence and the competition of life; antagonistic coöperation. Four motives: hunger, love, vanity, fear. — The process of making folkways. - Suggestion and suggestibility. Suggestion in education. — Manias. Suggestion in politics. Suggestion and criticism Folkways based on false inferences. Harmful folkways. - How "true" and "right' are found. The folkways are right; rights; morals. The folkways are true. Relations of world philosophy to folkways. Definition of the Taboos. No primitive philosophizing; myths; fables; notion of social welfare. The imaginative element. The ethical policy and the success policy. - Recapitulation. Scope and method of the mores. Integration of the mores of a group or age. Purpose of the present work. Why use the word "mores."-The mores are a directive force. -Consistency in the mores. - The mores of subgroups. What are classes? - Classes rated by societal value. - Class; race; group solidarity. -The masses and the mores. Fallacies about the classes and the masses. Action of the masses on ideas. — Organization of the masses. — Institutions of civil liberty. - The common man. The "people"; popular impulses. — Agitation. The ruling element in the masses. The mores and institutions. - Laws. - How laws and institutions differ from mores. Difference between mores and some cognate things. — Goodness or badness of the mores, More exact definition of the mores. Ritual. - The ritual Group interests and policy. - Group interests and folkways. -Force in the folkways. Might and right. Status. ConventionalizaConventions indispensable. The "ethos" or group character; European ethos. of the mores. t'on. Japan. - Chinese ethos. - Hindoo ethos. I 1. Definition and mode of origin of the folkways. If we put together all that we have learned from anthropology and ethnography about primitive men and primitive society, we perceive that the first task of life is to live. Men begin with acts, not with thoughts. Every moment brings necessities which must be satisfied at once. Need was the first experience, and it was followed at once by a blundering effort to satisfy it. It is generally taken for granted that men inherited some guiding instincts from their beast ancestry, and it may be true, although it has never been proved. If there were such inheritances, they controlled and aided the first efforts to satisfy needs. Analogy makes it easy to assume that the ways of beasts had produced channels of habit and predisposition along which dexterities and other psychophysical activities would run easily. Experiments with newborn animals show that in the absence of any experience of the relation of means to ends, efforts to satisfy needs are clumsy and blundering. The method is that of trial and failure, which produces repeated pain, ̧ loss, and disappointments. Nevertheless, it is a method of rude experiment and selection. The earliest efforts of men were of this kind. Need was the impelling force. Pleasure and pain, on the one side and the other, were the rude constraints which defined the line on which efforts must proceed. The ability to distinguish between pleasure and pain is the only psychical power which is to be assumed. Thus ways of doing things were selected, which were expedient. They answered the purpose better than other ways, or with less toil and pain. Along the course on which efforts were compelled to go, habit, routine, and skill were developed. The struggle to maintain existence was carried on individually but in groups. Each profited by the other's experience; hence there was concurrence towards that which proved to be most expedient. All at last adopted the same way for the same purpose; hence the ways turned into customs and became mass phenomena. Instincts were developed in connection with them. In this way folkways arise. The young learn them by tradition, imitation, and authority. The folkways, at a time, provide for all the needs of life then and there. They are uniform, universal in the group, imperative, and invariable. As time goes on, the |