Oldalképek
PDF
ePub

commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States in Congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States in Congress assembled, unless such State be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue or until the United States in Congress assembled shall determine otherwise.

ARTICLE 7. When land forces are raised by any State for the common defense all officers of or under the rank of colonel shall be appointed by the legislature of each State, respectively, by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the State which first made the appointment.

ARTICLE 8. All charges of war and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defense or general welfare and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States in proportion to the value of all lands within each State, granted to or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated according to such mode as the United States, in Congress assembled, shall from time to time direct and appoint.

The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legislature of the several States, within the time agreed upon by the United States, in Congress assembled.

ARTICLE 9. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article.

[blocks in formation]

* *

[blocks in formation]

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of * appointing all officers of the land forces in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers, appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States, making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have authority to appoint a committee to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated a Committee of the States," and to consist of one delegate from each State; and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States under their direction, to appoint one of their members to preside, provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years, to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United States and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses, to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every half year to the respective States an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted, to build and equip a navy, to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such State; which requisition shall be binding, and thereupon the legislature of each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them in a soldier-like manner, at the expense of the United States; and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States, in Congress assembled.

*

*
*

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage in war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defense and welfare of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander in chief of the Army or Navy, unless nine States assent to the same; nor shall a question on any other point except for adjourning from day to day be determined unless by the votes of a majority of the United States in Congress assembled.

[blocks in formation]

ARTICLE 10. The committee of the States, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United States, in Congress assembled, by the consent of nine States, shall from time to time think expedient to vest them with, provided that no power be delegated to the said committee for the exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, the voice of nine States in the Congress of the United States assembled is requisite.

[blocks in formation]

ARTICLE 13. Every State shall abide by the decision of the United States, in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this confederation are submitted to

them.

And the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the union shall be perpetual, nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States and be afterwards confirmed by the legislature of every State.

It will be perceived that the power to carry on war was made to depend upon the harmonious cooperation of at least nine States, each one of which, with the assent of Congress, could maintain in time of peace its own army and navy.

Up to the time of the Confederation, Congress had raised its own armies and commissioned all the officers. Desirous of rewarding their skill and gallantry in 1776, it resolved "that Congress has and ought to retain the power heretofore exercised of appointing officers in the Continental service according to merit."

It is true that it accorded later the right of recommendation to the States, but under the new system no field or company officer could be commissioned, nor could a soldier be enlisted, save by the legislature of his State.

The power given to the legislatures "to raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them at the expense of the United States," placed the National Treasury at the mercy of every State agent.

More serious still, as Congress could not enlist a soldier, nor levy a tax, nor enforce a requisition for men or for money, any legislature could neutralize the power of a State, if not defeat the chief object of the Confederation.

Instead of resting the war power in a central government, which alone could insure its vigorous exercise, Congress was reduced to a mere consultative body or congress of diplomats, with authority to concert only such measures for common defense as might receive the sanction of nine of the allied sovereignties they represented.

If any State became lukewarm or conceived that its local interests were neglected, it could promptly recall its delegates.

Weak as had been our military policy under the government of the Continental Congress, it was to become still more imbecile through the inherent defects of the new system. To the indecision and delays of a single Congress were now superadded the indecisions and delays of at least nine more deliberative bodies.

CHAPTER IV.

CAMPAIGN OF 1778.

i

TROOPS REQUIRED AND FURNISHED.

This campaign opened amid the sufferings of a half-clad, half-starved army at the camp of Valley Forge, whither Washington had retired with a force of from 8,000 to 10,000 Continentals.

As none of the battalions during the preceding year had been recruited to more than about one-third of their strength, Congress, on the 6th of February, recommended the several States to draft men for nine months, to be discharged before the end of that time in proportion as they could be replaced by those enlisting for three years of the war.

Notwithstanding this measure, the whole Continental force on the 8th of May only numbered some 15,000 men, the total strength of the British being put down by Washington at 16,000.

When, on the 8th of May, these figures were laid before a council of war at Valley Forge, it unanimously decided that the best policy was to remain on the defensive and await future events.

It is probable that the decision was influenced by a knowledge of the French alliance, an event confidently regarded by all as equivalent to the establishment of American independence.

While our army lay at Valley Forge in sad need of clothing and supplies, the influence of a trained officer again made itself felt in spite of these adverse circumstances. Baron Steuben, a veteran of the wars of Frederick the Great, having been appointed InspectorGeneral of the Army, set on foot great improvements in tactics, regulations, and discipline.

Too weak to assume the offensive, our troops remained at Valley Forge till the 18th of June, when the English commander, hearing of the approach of a French fleet with reenforcements, evacuated Philadelphia and fell back on New York.

Washington rapidly followed in pursuit, and overtook and engaged the enemy near Monmouth Court House on the 28th of June, our casualties being some two hundred, while the British lost three hundred in battle and some two thousand Hessians who deserted during the retreat.

Active operations between the main armies ended with this engagement, the forces on both sides being transferred to the east of the

"This estimate was too low. We learn from the American State Papers that the total British force then in America was more than twice as great, and that on the 26th of March, 19,500 men were stationed in Philadelphia alone. After all the recruits had joined, it was hoped that the Continental force might reach 20,000.

44461°-12-3

33

Hudson. The only other event of importance during the campaign was a combined attack of 4,000 French and 8,000 Continentals and militia on the British force at Newport, 8,000 strong. The enterprise miscarried in consequence of a storm which drove off the French fleet. In November, the French fleet sailed for the West Indies, and on the 29th of December the British captured Savannah. By the middle of January they were masters of the whole State of Georgia, and thenceforward the South became the principal theater of operations during the remainder of the war.

The following table" shows the costly army kept on foot during a campaign which at its close found the American forces everywhere reduced to the defensive, and an entire State in the hands of the enemy:

[merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small][merged small]

Conjectural estimate of militia employed in addition to the above.b

[blocks in formation]

For two months....

Guarding convention troops..

South Carolina, for three months..

Georgia, 2,000 militia for six months and 1,200 State troops

Total

Grand total

[blocks in formation]

The above figures give, in the Continental establishment, 2,000 men less than in the year before; and in the militia a decrease of 15,000, due to the almost total inactivity of the enemy.

a From American State Papers, vol. 12, p. 16. Two corrections in totals have been made by editors, namely, 32,893 for 32,887, in third column, and 37,246 for 37,252 in fifth column. Three errors also occur in the items of fifth column as carried over from third column. These also have been corrected, assuming that the third column is correct.

Exact returns of militia were never rendered. See Report of General Knox, Secretary of War, American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. 1.

BOUNTY.

The year, though barren in military operations, had its valuable budget of military experience. While the patriotism of a people, taken collectively, is quite equal to keeping up a prolonged struggle for liberty, cost what it may, we find that the patriotism of the individual utterly fails to induce him to undergo, voluntarily, the hardships and dangers of war. The first bounty offered by the States and by Congress was a confession of this truth, which each succeeding campaign only too painfully confirmed.

Congress now tried to conceal an evil which it could not check. On the 18th of September it resolved

That General Washington be authorized, if he shall judge it for the interest of the United States, to augment the Continental bounty to recruits, enlisting for three years or during the war, to a sum not exceeding ten dollars; and that he use his discretion in keeping the matter secret as long as he shall deem necessary.

To carry this into effect Congress further resolved that $80,000 be transmitted to William Palfrey, of Massachusetts, Paymaster-General of the Army.

DRAFTING.

The system of voluntary enlistments, even when stimulated by large bounties, having failed to raise the men required, Congress, as we have seen, was forced to recommend the draft. Only solicitous to escape the consequences of this measure, States, townships, and individuals cared little for the character of the men they sent into the field.

On the 17th of March, Washington wrote to the President of the Massachusetts council:

It gives me inexpressible concern to have repeated information from the best authority that the committees of the different towns and districts in your State hire deserters from General Burgoyne's army and employ them as substitutes to excuse the personal service of the inhabitants. I need not enlarge upon the dangers of substituting, as soldiers, men who have given a glaring proof of a treacherous disposition, and who are bound to us by no motives of attachment, instead of citizens in whom the ties of country, kindred, and sometimes property are so many securities for their fidelity.

The evils with which this measure is pregnant are obvious, and of such serious nature as makes it necessary not only to stop the further progress of it, but likewise to apply a retrospective remedy, and if possible to annul it, so far as it has been carried into effect. Unless this is done, although you may be amused for the present with the flattering idea of speedily completing your battalions, they will be found, at or before the opening of the campaign, reduced by the defection of every British soldier to their original weak condition, and the accumulated bounties of the continent and of the State will have been fruitlessly sacrificed.

Indeed, General Burgoyne could hardly, if he were consulted, suggest a more effectual plan for plundering us of so much money, reenforcing General Howe with so many men, and preventing us from recruiting a certain number of regiments; to say nothing of the additional losses, which may be dreaded, in desertions among the native soldiers, from the contagion of ill example and the arts of seduction, which it is more than probable will be put in practice.a

The next day he wrote again:

The evil which I apprehended from the enlistment of deserters has already made its appearance. One of the colonels informs me that every British deserter sent to his regiment, except one, has already gone off. One of these people a few nights

a Sparks's Writings of Washington, vol. 5, pp. 287, 288.

« ElőzőTovább »