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paid the publican, and the publican paid the coal-whippers; but the middleman had his profit in another way. The coal-whipper was expected to come to the public house in the morning; to drink while waiting for work; to take drink with him to the ship; to drink again when the day's work was done; and

to linger about and in the public house until almost bed time before his day's wages were paid. The consequence was, that an enormous ratio of his earnings went every week to the publican. The publicans were wont to rank their dependents into two classes-the “constant men" and the “stragglers ;” of whom the former were first served whenever a cargo was to be whipped; in return for this, they were expected to spend almost the whole of their spare time in the public house, and even to take up their lodgings there. As the coalwhippers contrived by intimidation to keep out strangers from their trade, so the publicans and their immediate adherents were able to harass those who wished to escape from this truck system; and

penny-a-ton men ” used to receive many a drubbing from the penny-farthing men.” The captains preferred applying to the publicans rather than engaging the men themselves, because it saved them trouble; and because (as was pretty well understood) the publicans curried favour with them by indirect means. Grocers and small shopkeepers did the same; and the coal-whippers had then to buy bad and dear groceries instead of bad and dear beer and gin. The legislature tried by various means to protect the coal-whippers; but the publicans contrived means to evade the law. About 1834 Lieut. Arnold tried how far an individual could remedy the system, by establishing a coal-whipper's office, in which the men could receive the whole of their earnings, without the necessity of such constant resort to a public house; his attempt was a benevolent one, but it was hotly opposed by the publicans, and was not supported to any great degree by the coal owners and shippers. At length was passed, in 1843, an Act of which an abstract is given in a previous volume, and which has placed the coal-whippers in a more systematized position. The whole is a remarkable instance of what small matters (as they at first appear) the legislature will sometimes interest itself in.

When the coal-whippers have discharged the cargo from the ships to the barges, the coal owner, ship owner, Corporation, factor, coal-whipper-all have done their part. The merchant is then the only party concerned. He has (if in a large way of business) his own barges, wharfs, waggons, horses, sacks, weighing machines, screens, and every thing requisite for transferring the coals to the cellar of the consumer.

If he is in a smaller way, he probably buys from the larger merchant. There are nearly 1000

persons in London who sell coals-from the merchant whose establishments are of great magnitude, to the small shopkeeper who sells a pennyworth either of coals or of greengrocery. The price of coals, as given in the London market in the daily papers, is the price up to the time when the coals are whipped from the ships to the merchants' barges. It includes, 1st, the value of the coals at the pit's

mouth; 2nd, the expense of transit from the pit to the ship; 3rd, the freight of the ship to London ; 4th, the Thames dues; and 5th, the whipping. The difference between the market price and the price paid by consumers, is made up of the expense incurred by the coal merchant for barges, wharfs, waggons, horses, wages, &c., together with his profit and risk.

There is still one matter more to complete the chain of operations. The emptied coal ships must get back to Newcastle; and as there are not cargoes enough from London to freight them, they must take in ballast to make the ships heavy enough to sail in safety. This ballast is chiefly gravel or sand, dredged up from the bed of the Thames in and near Woolwich Reach. The Trinity House takes

upon itself this duty. The captain, when he requires to sail, applies to the Ballast Office, and the required weight of ballast is sent to the ship in lighters belonging to the Trinity House; the captain paying so much per ton for it. About eighty tons on an average are required for each vessel; and the quantity thus sup-. plied by the Trinity House is, we believe, about 10,000 tons per week. Some of the ships are ballasted' with chalk taken from Purfleet; all ballast taken from higher up the river than that point, must be supplied by the Trinity House. When the ship reaches the Tyne, the ballast is of no further use; but it must not be emptied into that river ; it has therefore to be deposited on the banks of the river, where huge mounds are now collected, two or three hundred feet high. It is a curious example of the mode in which commercial enterprises often originate, that parties have found it worth their while to make a railway from near South Shields to a point on the sea-shore, a mile or two distant, on purpose to deposit there the ballast which has become more and more an incumbrance on the banks of the river; the ship owners pay a small price per ton for the removal of the ballast from their vessels, It is something more than a metaphor, to designate this a transfer of the bed of the Thames to the banks of the Tyne; it has a per centage of truth in it.

Thus we find, that about 12,000 persons are engaged in mining and shipping coals for London ; 22,000 in navigating the coal ships from the North to the Thames ; 2,000 in " whipping” the coals from the ships to the merchants' barges; and 1,000 in selling the coals to the consumers in London. How many are engaged as coal bargemen upon the Thames and upon the canals, coal heavers at the wharfs, and coal waggoners in the streets, we have no data for determining

VII.-SUPPLY OF WATER FOR THE METROPOLIS. The discussions which have lately taken place, and which are likely still to occupy a portion of the public attention, concerning the nature and amount of the water supply of the metropolis, have been marked in some instances by a little misapprehension of the present state of the subject. It is true that there is much reason to wish for improvement, but it is not true that the Water Compex

nies are indifferent to such improvements; nor is it true that those companies, as a whole, have reaped large profits by the existing rates : indeed, with the exception of the New River and the Lambeth Companies, these undertakings have yielded, on an average, less than a fitting return for the liabilities and risks attending such heavy works.

It may be useful to place in a condensed form a sketch of the modes by which London (taking that term in a very wide sense) is now supplied with water, and of the modes in which the various companies have endeavoured to make the supply as efficient in quality and quantity as the provisions of their several acts of parliament will permit. No advocate of new schemes is in a condition to use his advocacy satisfactorily, until the present state of things is really understood. We will first glance slightly at the early modes of procuring a supply.

Spring water was formerly conveyed to public reservoirs in the city of London by leaden pipes from various springs in the vicinity, viz., from Tyburn in 1236, from Highbury in 1438, from Hackney in 1535, from Hampstead in 1543, and from Hoxton in 1546. It is chiefly to the munificence of some of the lord mayors that the city was indebted for these supplies. London-bridge water works were formed in 1582, with water-wheels turned by the flood and ebb current of the Thames, passing through the arches of old London Bridge, and working pumps for the supply of water to the metropolis; these were the first works which supplied water to the houses, for before that period water had only been supplied to public cisterns, from whence it was conveyed, at great expense and inconvenience, in buckets and water carts. The opening of that great undertaking, the New River, by Sir Hugh Myddleton in 1613, commenced what we may term the modern systems of supply. These systems we may best illustrate by viewing the condition of the water supply of the metropolis as it was in 1815, and then noticing a few minor changes since introduced.

The state of the water supply of the metropolis in 1845 was as follows :— There were nine water companies, viz., six north of the Thames—the New River, the East London, the Hampstead, the Grand Junction, the West Middlesex, and the Chelsea Companies; and three south of the Thames—the Vauxhall, the Lambeth, and the Southwark Companies. The New River Company obtained its supply from the Rivers Lea and Amwell, the East London Company from the River Lea, the Hampstead Company from springs near Hampstead ; the Grand Junction Company from the Thames, near Kew; the West Middlesex Company from the Thames, near Hammersmith; the Chelsea Company from the Thames, near the Red House, Battersea; the Vauxhall Company from the Thames, near Vauxhall Bridge; the Lambeth Company from the Thames, near Waterloo Bridge, and the Southwark Company from the Thames, near Batterseai

In looking at the mode in which the giant metropolis was divided among these nine companies, we find the following arrangea

ments:

The New River Company supplied the entire city of London, Westminster as far as Leicester and Trafalgar Squares, and nearly the whole of the large district bounded by Kingsland and Shoreditch on the east, Kentish Town and Tottenham Court Road on the West, Holloway and Stoke Newington on the north, and the cities of London and Westminster on the South. The East London Company supplied the whole of the metropolis eastward of the New River Company's district, bounded generally by Dalston and Spitalfields on the west, the River Lea on the east, and the Thames on the south. The Hampstead Company supplied the greater part of Camden and Kentish Towns. The West Middlesea Company supplied the greater part of St. Marylebone parish, the Regent's Park, Portland Town, Hampstead, West End, Kilburn, and the Harrow Road to near the cemetery, together with portions of Kensington, Brompton, and Earl's Court. The Grand Junction Company supplied the quadrangle included between Oxford Street, Wardour Street, Pall Mall, and Hyde Park, together with Paddington, Bayswater, and Notting Hill. The Chelsea Company supplied the district along the north bank of the Thames from Hungerford Market to Parson's Green, and inclading portions of Westminster, Millbank, Pimlico, Knightsbridge, and Chelsea. Such were the districts of the six northern companies. The three southern companies, embracing a district included between Deptford in the east and Wandsworth in the west, had their works so intermingled, that it is difficult to say which was the predominant company, especially in the heart of Lambeth and Southwark.

Noticing in a little more detail the operations of each company, and the successive improvements introduced by them, we find the following:

The New River Company has' a history of its own, which is incorporated in all histories of London, and would be beyond our scope to discuss here. All questions respecting property required by the company, or respecting indemnity for any damages that may occasionally be sustained, are settled by a board of commissioners, chosen by the Lord Chancellor in virtue of a Charter granted in 1619. The board consists of four commissioners for the city of London, four for Middlesex, four for Essex, and four for Hertfordshire. There are commissioners, also, on the part of the city and the three counties, to make an annual examination into the state of the company and its works. The water works which used to exist at Old London Bridge, for the supply of a portion of the city, were removed when the plans for the new bridge were in progress; and the New River Company agreed to extend its supply over the whole of the city, sharing with the corporation in the sum paid to the Water Works Company as compensation. Arrangements were made for obtaining a supply from the Thames by a steam engine at Broken Whart, in aid of the New River itself; but the latter-named river has ever since furnished almost the whole of the supply. The direct length of the New River is about 20 miles, but the numerous windings

increase its length to nearly 40 miles. In order that there may be no failure of supply from the springs at Chadwell and Amwell, the company pays yearly rent to the proprietors of the River Lea navigation for a partial supply from that river, near Hertford. The wooden pipes which were used by the company for conveying the water beneath the streets, were replaced by pipes of iron between 1810 and 1820. The reservoirs at Clerkenwell cover about five acres, and are the great centre whence the water is propelled by steam pressure in all directions. An elevated reservoir in the Hampstead Road will maintain a supply to a greater height than those at Clerkenwell. To keep the water clean in forty miles of open river, men called walksmen are employed to inspect and watch it from end to end ; gratings and sluices are placed at intervals of a few miles to intercept all impurities; and settling reservoirs are formed. Two immense reservoirs near Stoke New. ington enable a large body of water to be kept stationary long enough for the deposition of all solid particles. At a time when the New River Company was threatened with the opposition of a Well Water Company, Mr. Mylne sank a well for the former company at the Hampstead Road reservoir, to ascertain whether water could be cheaply supplied from such a source: he excavated to the depth of 150 feet through clay, sand, and chalk; but he reported to the company that the supply thence obtainable would be more expensive than that from the New River itself. The New River Company has not adopted any plan for filtering water ; the settling reservoirs at Stoke Newington are alleged by the company to render such a process unnecessary.

The East London water works, which now supply such an immense district, have superseded the Shadwell and the West Ham water works, both of which had been previously in operation for a long period. Those two companies' works were purchased by the London Dock Company in 1807 ; and in the same year the East London Company was established. The company repurchased the old Shadwell and West Ham works from the London Dock Company, and proceeded to form extensive new works on the River Lea, near Old Ford. There are at this spot four fine reservoirs, two on each side of the river, with an aqueduct or conduit under the river to connect them all. The water is allowed to flow from the Lea into these reservoirs, there to remain till it has deposited its sediment. There is another reservoir belonging to the company at Mile End, besides establishments at Shadwell and Stratford.

The Grand Junction water works were first projected by the Grand Junction Canal Company in 1798, for the supply of Paddington with water from the canal. An act was obtained, but it was not till 1811 that the works were commenced by a new company, to whom the rights were transferred. The financial difficulties of the company were very great before they could get any considerable portion of the works in operation. Rennie, the engineer, recommended a trial of stone pipes, instead of pipes of wood or iron ; but the trial failed, and a great outlay' was occasioned thereby.

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