THE PAST AND PRESENT OF NAPOLEON III. ! From The Economist, 23 Sept. genius and was known to be singularly destitute of all external aids to success, brooding, taciturn, damaged, and dissipated,- that such a one should have stepped, in six short years, from poverty, debt, disrepute, and hopeless embarrassment in a London lodging to the position which he now occupies as Supreme Chief of the greatest military nation in the world, and treating and mixing with the other Sovereigns of Europe on terms of admitted equality,- implies a combination of luck and skill, a concurrence of unusually favoring cir cumstances with unusual sagacity, prompti tude, and nerve to turn them to account as they arose, to which history affords few if any parallels. FEW men in any age or in any rank have had more ups and downs in life than the present Emperor of the French. For few men have the oscillations of the pendulum had so wide a sweep. If the sovereigns had as much influence as is generally imagined over the destinies of the nations whom they rule, the French ought to be the best governed people in Europe, for the five last monarchs who have sat upon the Gallic throne had a training in vicissitude and experience such as rarely falls to the lot of crowned heads. Napoleon had known the sad struggles of poverty and the For, be it remembered, in 1848 everything hard toils of a profession before the career of was against him. He was known disreputably fortune was opened to him; and he long stud- where he was known at all. Those who were ied as a poor lieutenant, the character and acquainted with him in private life, knew him wants of France, before he led her armies or only as a silent, dull, unattractive man, seldom climbed up her throne. Louis XVIII, and speaking, and possessed with the one idea of Charles X ate the bitter bread of exile for his own greatness, owing what he could not five-and-twenty years, and might have learned pay, and addicted to bad courses and bad comwisdom if they had been of a stamp to profit pany. Only a very few augured anything of by the lessons which circumstances so profuse- his future. To the world at large he was ly showered around them. Louis Phillippe, known only as the hero of Strasbourg and also a wanderer for nearly a quarter of a cen- Boulogne- as having signalized himself by tury, did profit much by his varied and ad- two of the maddest schemes of revolution ever venturous life; his sagacity was extraordinary, attempted by a political desperado. These, and he seldom was deceived himself or was which we now perceive to have been only atdeceived by others; but even he did not quite tempts to pluck the fruit before it was ripeunderstand the management of the anomalous premature only, not insane- then seemed and fitful race whom he was called upon to nothing but the frenzy of a heated and infirm govern; his morality was not equal to his brain. That of Strasbourg was so ludicrous a shrewd sense, and coolness and resolution failure that the Government thought its ridifailed him at the critical moment. He fell at cule might be its fittest punishment, and dislast, less from want of capacity or cleverness, missed its author with a somewhat contemptuthan because his self-seeking propensities had ous clemency, on an understanding that he raised against him a storm of unpopularity should be exiled to America, and there remain. which his courage was not competent to brave. The Boulogne descent was scarcely better. Taken altogether perhaps, the vicissitudes Its only fitting parellel might be found in of the present Emperor are stranger than Smith O'Brien's revolution in the cabbage garthose of any of his predecessors. That, in an den. This led to some years of close imprisage of revolution and of war, a soldier of con- onment. When it was thought that the punsummate genius should win his way to a throne, ishment had been severe enough, the prisoner is not an unprecedented good fortune. That was permitted to escape; and probably no one after the violence of the revolutionary spirit but himself believed that he would ever re-aphad been followed by its inevitable reaction, pear upon the stage. But the conviction of the legitimate heirs should recover the Crown the high destiny for which he was reserved which belonged to them by hereditary right, never left him. He perpetually brooded over is not in any way astonishing. That a nation, what his course would be when he was on the sick of the incurable folly of its royal race, throne. He often startled his interlocutors by should try the experiment of substituting a col- the introductory phrase "When I am Empelateral and less diseased branch, was nothing ror of France." Meanwhile exile and immore than historical parallels led us to antici-prisonment had been of single service to him. pate. But that a young man, offspring of a While in Ham, he had studied and meditated younger scion of a discarded family, belonging profoundly on the French character and histo no profession, whose early life was spent in tory, till probably he understood it, both in its idleness, penury, and excess, the obscurity of weaknesses and its wants, better than any one whose history was only broken by two frantic of his countrymen. He observed closely and escapades which looked like the very wildness analyzed keenly the errors of existing rulers of insanity, who was supposed to possess no-saw where to follow and what to shun. It is probable that during those years of solitude | is-as soon as he had sworn to maintain a cerand récueillement he had speculated on every tain constitution and administer certain laws, conceivable contingency, and decided what he set himself to destroy that constitution and course to pursue under any circumstances that to violate those laws. It is true, unquestionmight arise, and had schooled himself to the ably, that his object was so obvious as to warmost difficult of tasks for an ambitious man-rant the endeavor of the Assembly to limit his that of waiting. He learned that cold, vigi- power and tie his hands in every possible lant untiring patience which is the surest road way. It is true, unquestionably, that the "neto final success. While in England he stud- cessity" by which the coup d'etat was exied our institutions and national idiosyncrasies eused, was in a great measure a necessity with a thoughtful perseverance which belongs of his own creation. It is barely possible that rather to his Dutch than to his French origin, a perfectly unambitious President and a pertill we believe he understands us better than fectly disinterested Assembly, acting together any man in France. He learned where we honestly, conscientiously, and judiciously, drew the resources of our inexhaustible pros- might have worked even that constitution. But, perity; how we fight the battles of party war- on the other hand, it must be admitted that fare; what is the real action of our Press and only a degree of wisdom and virtue in both of our Parliament; wherein lie the intrinsic parties, which it is simply absurd to expect differences between the two nations, and what from human nature, could have averted conof English experience was or was not suitable stant collision and an ultimate break up. The for France to imitate. He learned to estimate adversaries of the President, in their anxiety alike our strength and our security. to keep him in fetters, incessantly put themThe revolution of 1848 camc, and astonished selves in the wrong. They thwarted and hamall Europe by its suddenness, its completeness pered him in a degree that no ruler could and its bloodless character. Louis Napoleon submit to without humiliation, and were as immediately wrote to the Provisional Govern- much bent upon reducing him to a cipher as ment to place himself at their disposal-to he was upon making himself absolute. It offer his services to France. The hour was soon became obvious that his position with such not yet come; the pear was not quite ripe. an Assembly and such a constitution was utHe was politely informed that the best service terly insupportable. It was equally obvious he could render to his country at that conjunc- that the interests of the country required a ture was to remain absent from it. He took change. The leaders of the Legislature were the hint, and "bided his time." He became a as determined upon sending the Chief of the candidate, and was soon elected to a seat in Executive to Vincennes, as he was anticipating the New Assembly. When informed of it by them in showing his adversaries that polite an English acquaintance, he simply remarked attention. One of the two competitors for the "Aye!—that is the first step of the ladder." powers of the State must become supreme :His oratorial attempts in the Chamber were he thought it desirable that Louis Napoleon not successful, and he soon discontinued them. should come out conqueror from the conflict When the worst work and the most sanguinary and France thought so too. It cannot be struggle of the new order of things was over, denied that the coup was a violation of when the battle of June had broken the oaths and a breach of the peace, but it had strength of the Red Republic, and a President become a political necessity. A civil war was for four years had to be chosen, the love of imminent, and if the Assembly had conquerorder and the fear of new experiments had ed, must have broken out; for the majority begun to prevail, and the name of a Buona- of the people, whether rightly or wrongly, parte carried the day against the services of were satisfied with the President and disgustCavaignac and the talent of Lamartine.-ed with the Assembly. The very week of the Louis Napoleon was elected by a vast majority coup this journal explained at some length the -a majority which spoke both of the vast in- impossibility of matters going on as they fluence which his uncle's memory still exer- were. The thing had to be done-and there cised over half the nation, and of the wish of can, we think, be no question now, that the the other half to re-enter on an old faith rath- promptitude, skill, decision, and completeness er than to venture on a fresh one. This was with which the blow was struck, by making "the second step of the ladder; "-and the opposition hopeless, saved the country from announcement of the numbers showed the the horrors of a terrible and a long-protracted ambitious aspirant that his destiny was hence-strife. forth in his own hands. It will be remembered that we alone, of all Now began a series of intrigues and efforts the liberal journals of this country, took this which may admit of palliation, but scarcely view of the subject, and ventured at once to of defence or eulogy. There can, we think, excuse the daring usurpation and to augur be no doubt that, as soon as he became Presi- hopefully of a redeeming future. We ob dent, he resolved to become Emperor. That served then that the use made of the power thus seized might be such as to consecrate the not restored full freedom and publicity to juseizure;-that history would forgive the deed dicial proceedings. He has not withheld his if France sanctioned it by her vote, and if hand, as soon, or as much as we believe he Louis Napoleon justified it by throwing over might have done, from the sin of arbitrary imit the halo of a reign signalized by justice, pros-prisonment. Some are still at Cayenne or in perity, and internal peace, if inaugurated by Algiers who ought to be in France, and some violence and oppression. How far has this still in jail or at the galleys who ought to be at been done? liberty. He has not discouraged corruption or enforced purity of public conduct among his officials, as he ought to have done. His has not been a frugal or economical Government. There is still much pecuniary iniquity and much scandalous waste in high places. So far he has disappointed the expectations of those who anticipated from him a great, generous, and noble policy. That France shares in the guilt, if guilt there were; that she sanctioned the usurpation by an ex-post-facto declaration that Louis Napoleon had anticipated her wishes; that she passed as speedily and promptly as it could be done the most complete and cordial bill of indemnity that was ever drawn up, there is now no dispute. Some were delighted that the powers of government should once more On the other hand, he has disappointed be wielded by a resolute and despotic man; equally the fears of those who believed that some rejoiced that they might at length lay his selfish and headlong ambition would set aside their fears of the Socialists; some were Europe in a blaze. He has not marched an anxious only for a respite from the wearisome army into Italy. He has not seized Belgium. reiteration of perpetual intrigues and alarms; He has not invaded England. He has not others had no belief in the suitability of either insisted on the frontier of the Rhine. It is a republican or constitutional regime for possible that the wild dark dreams which had France, and were glad to return to a dictator fermented in his brain during the brooding who would save them the trouble of govern-years of imprisonment and exile have been ing themselves; others, again, were sick of the rapidly dissipated by the light of day and the hommes politiques of the last twenty years, and healthy influence of the actual business of hoped much from an entirely new order of political life. He was restless and tormented men; officers looked for promotion, priests for with a vague and insatiable ambition as long encouragement and power;-but from one as he was unfortunate and obscure :--now that motive or other, it cannot be doubted that at he has reached the pinnacle which he so long least a numerical three-fourths of France ap- sought, he may repose on his success; he can proved of what had been done, and readily distinguish between the possible and the impardoned, if they did not applaud, the mode possible-between chimeras and realitiesof doing it. Nor has the sanction then given between dreams and actualities:-and is far been since withdrawn:-on the contrary, the too wise to risk so rich a certainty as that President was soon made into an Emperor; which he has attained in schemes for the proplots have ceased; no one looks for, and few blematic and the unattainable. desire, an immediate change of dynasty; even rival parties have acquiesced for the present, and admit that they must wait for a change of public feeling before they can entertain any prospect of success. He has maintained unbroken order and tranquillity within. He has forestalled or detected all plots in time, and has repressed them almost without bloodshed. He has steered France through those perils which have so often proved How far has Napoleon III. fulfilled the hope- fatal to her peace-the perils of a bad harvest ful auguries of those who anticipated that his -with uncommon skill. It is true he has done rule might be a blessing for his country- this by violating some sound principles of ecomight be the special blessing she most requir-nomic science; but France has too long been ed? Not certainly in all things-but on the accustomed to set these at naught for us to whole, well. He has not, as we hoped, gradu- judge her or her Government by our rules; ally relaxed the grasp of despotic authority and what is economically indefensible may which at first might be necessary. He has not sometimes be, at certain crises and in certain released the Press from any of its fetters. He countries, politically necessary. Unquestionhas not encouraged in the Senate or Legisla-ably the proceedings he adopted during the tive Chamber that freedom of speech and ac- scarcity of last year met the approval of the tion which we think he might safely have most sagacious men of France, and assuredly done, and which would have been a gradual a scarcity never before was attended with so preparation for a more constitutional regime. little misery or so little disturbance. He has not shown himself strong enough or In another and more questionable matter he courageous enough to disregard the hostility has violated strict economic principles for the of words. He has not allowed that full liberty sake of public tranquillity. He has carried on of speech without which a Government can public works of utility and embellishment on never be safe, or know that it is safe. He has a scale which his revenue scarcely warranted. He has spent public money with the ostensible at once step into the position which, as an isoand avowed object of employing the people, lated and recent Sovereign, he did not possess, as well as of embellishing Paris. It is to be of one of the great Royal Conclave of Eufeared that, in pursuing this object, he has rope; he would become, instead of a successspent vast sums which will never yield any ful adventurer, a recognized Potentate, treatadequate pecuniary return. But it is certain ing on terms of perfect equality with all other that by this means he has kept in industry and Monarchs: the faithful, trusted Ally of Engcomfort many thousand workmen who would land could no longer be looked upon as a otherwise have been suffering and turbulent, usurper. Accordingly, from the first, his confor "when building goes on briskly (says a duct towards us has been marked by the utmost French proverb), all trades go on briskly";-openness, explicitness, friendliness, and integand when we reflect that the most indispensa- rity. And he has gained his object. He has ble condition of prosperity and wealth is secu- humbled Nicholas, and he has rehabilitated rity and peace, we may admit that expenditure himself. The same man who landed at Bouwhich purchases these conditions may be a logne in 1840 with a single steamer and a few legitimate expenditure, if not carried too far friends on a desperate and abortive expedior continued too long. Certain it is that the tion, revisits it in 1854 to review a vast army nearly universal impression throughout France and receive the homage of countless spectais, that the public works which are now being tors. The same man who six years ago lived carried on, on such a stupendous scale, could in obscurity in London, scarcely able to pay not possibly be suspended without the most his tailor's and quite unable to pay his horseimminent and deadly peril. And we must dealer's bill-whom many looked upon as stunot forget, as a set-off to these un-economic pid and whom none looked upon as wise-of proceedings, that Napoleon III. has more ad- whom few augured well and whom few would vanced notions on the subject of Free Trade trust much-we have just seen receiving the than almost any of his subjects, and is gradu- visit and the compliments of the Consort of ally introducing them and acting upon them our Queen, entertaining three Royal guests at as occasion offers. The edge of the wedge his table-one of them the son-in-law of the has already been driven in; and we may hope very Monarch whom he had succeeded-and for far more from him in this direction than from the freest assembly that was ever chosen by universal suffrage. admitted beyond all denial into the social cir cle of Royal personages. Nor is this change in his singular fortunes the only one, nor perhaps the greatest. We can imagine him smiling with even a more grim satisfaction as he contrasts the language of the English Press regarding him in 1852 and now; sitting with the Times or the Examiner of December, 1851 and of August, 1854 before him, and marvelling over the metamorphosis, the unmeasured abuse which was showered upon him at the former date, and the décorous respect and cordial praise with which he is spoken of now. The "seedy swell" and the "sanguinary and audacious ruffian," is now the polite and saga cious Emperor, and takes wine tête-à-tête with Prince Albert and King Leopold. Finally, the conduct of the French Emperor in the Eastern Question has deserved and has met with its reward. His first step with regard to the "Holy Places" was inconsiderate and condemnable enough; but since then he has merited all praise. His proceedings have been consistent, dignified, sagacious, and strictly honorable. We do not, indeed, imagine that his bosom glowed with any sincere indignation against the oppressive and deceitful conduct of the Czar, or that he wept any actual tears of sympathy over the dangers or the woes of the unhappy Sultan, or that he has been guided in this matter by a disinterested regard to the dictates of abstract justice. But he at once perceived as a statesman that the projects of Russia, if not checked, would give her a preponderating influence in Europe incompatible with the pretensions of the Western Powers, and the maintenance of the THAT provoking old gentleman, M. de Turexisting equilibrium; and that if she ever got, whom the imperial virtue of gratitude obtained possession of Constantinople, she still retains (with a clever secretary of lega would clash dangerously with French influence in the Mediterranean. He was not sorry, either, in his secret soul, to have so early an opportunity afforded him of thwarting and mortifying the despot who refused to address him as "My Brother." But more than all, he saw at a glance, with his usual astute sagacity, that by acting cordially, honorably, and energetically with England in this matter, he would From the Examiner. THE NEW SORT OF DESPOTISM. tion at his elbow) at Madrid, will not allow a journal of the Spanish capital to call his government "despotism of a new sort" without trying to clap the plain-speaking Spaniard into limbo. Stupid M. de Turgot! Why, surely the merit of the present government of France is just exactly that it is, not the old sort, but a new sort of despotism. The That its power is absolute and complete, is Louis Napoleon three years ago. To any one a fact about which only M. de Turgot could in the habit of reading the Examiner we have deceive himself. But in the imperial edicts no need to repel such an imputation; to others which exercise this absolute power it is attri- it may be as well to say, that there is not a buted to the "grace of God and the free will particle of truth in it. The language is not of the French people." That is-for we are ours, nor have we ever used any like it. not here discussing the truth of its preten- only difference between ourselves and our sions, it rests its foundation and justifica- critic has been, that he welcomed a wrong for tion on mixed titles which other despotisms the mere chance of what it might bring, and would rather fall to pieces than unite. Well, that we as little then approved what we knew therein at least is surely a very great novelty. to be wrong, as we have since condemned Let us observe for a moment what has been what we believe to be right. In other words, the succession of governments in France. we have thought that other sentiments were worth asserting in the world besides the sentiment of the till, and we never preferred the uninterrupted course of business and trade to every other earthly consideration. In 1789 that course of events began (never to terminate) their descent on time, which the Restoration was an attempt to turn aside. The hope then was to restore the theory of the older system without the practice of its more What did we say in Dec. 1851? We stamped flagrant rottennesses. It failed. The revolu- with all the reprobation we felt, and still feel, tion of 1830 was, we grieve to have to say it, the violent assault upon a nation's liberties. an eighteen years' fraud, nearly two decades, Yet even then, when we feared the establishof dishonesty and dishonor. The Republic of ment of a military government that would 1848 became the more shame to those who complete the chain of despotic posts from made it so an impossibility for France. And Petersburg to the Pyrenees, we deprecated when all parties were quarrelling over the all quarrel with France. We were ready to spoil, there came round, as we had too long accept of any settlement of the French govexpected, not to condemn the needless crime ernment without scrutiny of its origin, or of that ushered it into existence, a Bonaparte the method, however fraudulent, by which the regime. It appeared first as a despotism of arrangement might have been effected. We the old sort, with small chances for continu- held that moral judgments were quite apart ance; but it has proved since to be such a from international relations. Nor from all despotism as France only can create or will this have we swerved in any respect. We acendure, with aims in themselves nor irrational or immoderate, with a head on its shoulders, with sense to direct and courage to execute its thoughts. cept what is before us and are thankful. To whatever cause it may be owing in the unexpected march of affairs, to whatever unseen control exercised by princes or by peoples, to Our friend the Economist will here discover whatever more intimate relations with Engfresh reason to tax us with inconsistency, but land induced by the occurrences of the last we have no fear of such misconstruction from eighteen months, the imperial government has unprejudiced readers. It is not because good belied the fears that were at first entertained has sprung out of evil that the evil is to re- of it. That chance of stability which was ceive any part of our worship or esteem; and most endangered by its violent origin, it has it is not because evil preceded good that the derived, in the inscrutable working of events, good is to be rejected for the bad companion- from the very enmity and antagonism on ship. We have not so read history or studied which it might most have relied for countenance and favor. We have welcomed in The Economist is pleased to imagine the it, therefore, all with which we could symFrench Emperor smiling with a grim satisfac-pathize. We have praised the candor and tion as, with the Times and Examiner of December, 1851, and of August, 1854, before him, he contrasts the unmeasured abuse of the former date, and the decorous respect and cordial praise with which he is spoken of now. morals. The "seedy swell" and the "sanguinary and audacious ruffian" is now the polite and sagacious Emperor, and takes wine tête à tête with Prince Albert and King Leopold. Our fair and friendly contemporary would of course impute to us that the words thus marked with inverted commas are either a quotation from this journal or at least a fair representation of our manner of speaking of wisdom of its foreign policy. We have welcomed every nearer approach of the French people to our own. But we have never withdrawn our condemnation of an act which. while it perhaps only hastened by a brief selves have effected, left results which no space what the French people would themamount of energy or prudence may even yet prevent from exacting retribution; and it is not many weeks since we ventured to warn the French Emperor that constitutional gov ernments and free countries are best formed and adapted even for the emergencies of war. The modifications of the imperial system into the form in which we now see it, and the |