kind, by tumults, and frequently by murders. The perpe trators of fuch acts were threatened with the feverest punish ment; but all the territorial edicts were fruitless, till the matter was feriously taken up by the diet. This was occafioned by the company of fhoe-makers at Augsburg, in 1726, who excited their fellow-tradefinen at Wurtzburg, by letters, to be riotous. The magiftrates at first prohibited the correfpondence: this prohibition they confidered as an infringement of their rights. The rioters were foon joined, as usual, by a number of ill difpofed perfons, ill treated all who oppofed them, and made the affair of a still more ferious nature, by encouraging the fame conduct in other towns. At laft, upwards of a hundred members of this unconstitutional fociety left the town, and feut information to Leipfic, Drefden, Berlin, &c. of their proceedings, in the following terms: "We have been under the neceffity of adopting this measure to preferve our rights; and inform you, that no man who is an houeft fellow (braver kerl) will ever go again to work at Augfburg: if he does, he may expect the confequences, and that foon." This caufed a general alarm throughout the country. The abufes which prevailed among the tradefmen were of too much confequence to the towns of Germany, and trade in general, not to be noticed at the diet. An edict was published in 1731, by virtue of which, not only every abufe was to be remedied, but the custom of keeping Blue Monday abolished entirely. The edict was but little attended to, except in Brandenburg. In many places it was not even promulgated. The emperor Francis renewed it in 1764, and a decree of the empire was paffed to abolith Blue Monday in 1771-2; but notwithstanding this, the old custom prevails, and every Monday throughout the year, in most of the German territories, is ftill blue. In the hereditary dominions of Austria, not only laws have been enforced, but various other means have been adopted, for this falutary purpose. Even in the Univerfity of Gottingen, in the Hanoverian deminions, where there is more Aurklärung, as the Germans admirably exprefs themselves, or a higher state of refinement, this cuftom is still fo prevalent, that I believe I may venture to affirm, that no journeyman taylor can be prevailed upon to work on Monday by any profpect of reward, but generally devotes that day to the joys of Bacchus.' In the fifth period of modern history, our author describes the form of government of the Germanic empire, in general, as it was first properly established after the peace of Westphalia; and he is at much pains to elucidate it, both in its compound and individual conftitution. The whole of Germany, he obferves, is divided into mediate and immediate members; the latter of which are regularly at the fame time ftates of the empire, who have the government of their respective countries in their own hands; and the former are, as parts of these Rates, ftates, fubject to their territorial fovereignty. Yet there are likewife immediate members of the empire, which have no feat or voice at the diet, and are therefore not ftates, the na ture of which effentially confifts in fuch a feat and voice. These are the free imperial nobility, or knighthood of the empire, and the imperial villages. Many noblemen's eftates, convents, and cities likewife, have loft their immediacy, and are become fubject to the fovereignty of other flates, and are therefore mediate; but the queftion, we are told, is still difputed by fome, whether they are immediate or not. According to our author, the whole constitution of the Germanic empire centres in this, that the queftion still remains refpecting the fovereign rights of the emperor over me. diate members, either in the cafe of complaints made against their ordinary government, or by virtue of certain referved rights which exifted before the rife of territorial fovereignty, and have remained throughout Germany in the emperor's power. These are, in particular, his right of raising to a higher rank, conferring academical honours, and nominating counts palatine of his court, and notaries. But even these rights cannot be exercised with any legal effect, or acknowledged in most countries, without their being firft fubmitted to the examination and approbation of the territorial lord. No fovereignty whatever can be exercised over immediate members of the empire, except in the name of the emperor; but with this diftinction again, whether it is left to the emperor alone, as in the cafe of most imperial grants, investitures, and the jurifdiction as exercifed in the imperial courts of judicature, with refervation of the refort to the Auftregues ; or whether it depends upon the confent of the diet, the two fuperior colleges of the empire, or of the electoral college alone. This point, we are informed, has been determined at different times, partly in the peace of Weftphalia, and partly in the emperor's capitulations; though with refpect to the latter, all the difputes which have arifen concerning the cafes where the electoral confent alone is neceffary, have not yet been wholly decided.. After the war of thirty years, and the peace of Weftphalia, a great alteration took place in moft of the towns of Germany. In general, they declined with the Hanfeatic league; and few of them have hitherto been able to recover their former confequence. Their influence is now very little at the provincial diet, in comparison with that of the prelates and nobility, particularly with refpect to the exemption from taxation and public debt. Moft of the provincial states likewise have become more dependent on the fovereign. All Imperial VOL. LXX, Sept. 1790. X cities cities have a republican form of government, more or less aristocratical, and fometimes even democratical. They have each their own territorial fovereignty. The emperor levies, in fome of them, an annual tax, and, in general, exercises more power over them than over other flates of the empire. A difpute foon arofe between the religious parties in Germany, respecting the meaning of the peace of Weftphalia; and a queftion was agitated, whether, in a place or country where the Proteftant religion alone was established in the year 1624, a catholic fovereign could introduce his own religion, as a fimultaneum religionis exercitium? The whole question was afterwards comprehended under the fingle word fimultaneum; and even to the prefent time forms one of the most important objects concerning which the two parties are not yet of the fame opinion. This celebrated point is not merely a theoretical fpeculation, but a fource from which the alteration of the state of religion in whole countries has derived its origin. Our author, therefore, examines the fubject with great attention, and developes the historical facts with which the confideration of it is connected. He obferves, that in the feventh article of the peace of Ofnabruck, which fettled the relation between the Lutherans and Calvinifts, it was exprefsly determined, that when a Lutheran country devolved to a Calvinistical fovereign, or a fovereign who was before a Lutheran, embraced the doctrines of Calvinism, he should not only have a right of establishing that religion at his court, but of allowing its adherents the free exercise of it in his country, provided it was not prejudicial to the Lutherans; and in the fame manner, vice versa, that a Lutheran fovereign, in a Calvinistical country, fhould have the right of eftablishing Lutheranifm, provided there was no infringement of the rights of the Calvinifts. Confidering the near connection between these two religions, these reciprocal conceffions were of infinitely lefs confequence than if the fame had been granted to Catholic fovereigns in Proteftant countries. In the fifth article, which fettled the relation between the Catholics and Proteftants, the reservation that a Catholic fovereign in a Proteftant country, fhould have the right of introducing the Catholic religion, was not inferted This circumftance alone, our author juftly obferves, might have been a fufficient proof to every impartial perfon, that, though this fimultaneum, as it was called, was allowed between the Lutherans and the Calvinifts, yet it was by no means confiftent with the tenor of the treaty of Weftphalia, that it should be admitted between the Catholics and Proteft ants. ants. This remark Mr. Pütter confirms by a variety of obfervations, which leave no room for the smallest doubt. The fixth period of modern hiftory opens with the interreghum which followed on the death of the emperor Ferdinand III. a violent conteft now enfued for the Rhenifh vicariate. The elector of Bavaria affirmed that it belonged to him, becaufe, by the treaty of Weftphalia, the former palatine electorate was transferred to his houfe, with all the prerogatives annexed to it. In the Palatinate, on the contrary, it was thought, that the Rhenish vicariate did not fo much appertain to the Palatine electorate, as it was one of the dignities peculiar to a count palatine of the Rhine, and therefore could not be included among thofe prerogatives which were tranfferred with the palatine electoral dignity to the house of Bavaria. This dispute proved the occafion of a very extraordinary incident at the emperor's election. Dr. Oexel, the Bavarian minister, read a paper at the meeting of the electors, in which occurred the expreffion, that the elector palatine had forfeited his electorate. Charles Lewis, the elector palatine, who happened to be present, resented the expreffion on the fpot, and threw an inkstand at the doctor's head. It was with fome difficulty that the electorate college brought the difpute to an amicable accommodation, and ordered that such acts of violence should be punished in future with fufpenfion of the electoral vote. Amongst the occurrences fubfequent to this period, we meet with the origin of the ninth electorate in favour of Hanover, which, after much oppofition, was inftituted in 1692. It was determined at the fame time, that no new electorate should be erected in future, without the general confent of the empire; and that if there fhould be four Protestant electors on the extinction of the houfe of Bavaria, the catholic electors fhould have a fupernumerary vote. Religion, and the changes of religion, in Germany, have given rife to occurrences of great importance in the empire, efpecially fince the peace of Weftphalia. Our author has inferted a chronological table of the revolutions which have happened in the houses of the princes and counts of Germany, by their changing from the Proteftant to the Catholic religion. He has marked, as far as he could difcover it, firft the year when each of thefe changes took place, and afterwards the name, age, and other pertinent circumstances which may afford fubject of reflection. Our author thus relates the origin of the regal dignity of Proffia. • The advancement of the electors of Saxony to the throne of Poland, and feveral fimilar promotions; fuch as the prince of Orange to be king of England, and the duke of Hanover to be elector of Brunswick, tended in a great measure to encourage the defign, which had been for fome time in agitation at Berlin, of procuring a royal crown for the houfe of Brandenburg, efpecially as there was nothing further requifite for the purpose, than to change the duchy of Pruffia, which was already independent, into a kingdom. This was promoted by a treaty with the imperial court, in which the house of Bran. denburg withdrew its claims to fome fubfidiary arrears of the houfe of Auftria, and engaged to fupply ten thousand auxiliary troops for the war of the Spanish fucceffion. In the affairs of the empire likewife, and the election of the emperor, the elector gave that court reafon to expect his fupport: in confequence of which, Leopold promifed to acknowledge him in future, as king of Pruffia. Frederick I. therefore, affumed the royal title, January 18, 1701; and placed the crown upon his own head, at Königsberg. He was acknowledged as monarch, by one power after another (though not by France, before the peace of Utrecht). The Teutonic order, and the pope, indeed, protefted against it; but their protefts were but little regarded, and the arguments they advanced were confuted in a variety of publications which appeared upon the fubject.' The feventh period of modern hiftory comprises the tranfactions in the empire, from the year 1711 to 1740; an interval which is not diftinguished by any very important occurrence. The learned author difcovers, through the whole of the prefent volume, the fame induftry and judgment which he had difplayed in the former. The tranflator likewife continues to perform his office with fidelity; and when the Hiftorical Developement is concluded, it will certainly afford the completeft account, hitherto published, of the various changes which have happened in the Germanic empire, from its origin to the present time. Oeuvres Pofthumes de Frederic 11. Roi de Pruffe, en 15 Tomes. Oeuvres Pofthumes de Frederic II. Roi de Pruffe. TH Pofthumous Works of Frederic II. (Concluded from p. 11.) HE only volumes of the works of Frederic which we have not noticed, contain the correspondence, the moft interesting part indeed of this publication, but which will not admit of a minute analyfis. The king is feen in an undress; and it has often been remarked that no one is a hero to his valet de chambre in general, however, Frederic does not appear to any disadvantage in these cooler moments. In the London |