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It has been asserted, that his opinions on some of the Calvinistic tenets, relaxed considerably in his old age, under the persuasive influence of the amiable and excellent Archbishop Usher. Of this, however, the Translator endeavours to shew there is no sufficient proof; and we concur with him in opinion. The mistake appears to have been founded on an expression of Richard Baxter's.

The following observations, in the introduction to the “ Dissertation”, are very beautiful, and ought to be laid to heart by the controvertists not only of Davenant's age, but of all ages.

It is truly a matter of grief and exceedingly to be deplored, that, either from the misfortune or the disorder of our age, it almost always happens, that those mysteries of our religion, which were promul. gated for the peace and comfort of mankind, should be turned into materials for nothing but contention and dispute. Who could ever have thought that the death of Christ, which was destined to secure peace and destroy enmity, as the Apostle speaks, Ephes. ii. 14, 17, and Coloss. i. 20, 21, could have been so fruitful in the production of strife? But this seems to arise from the innate curiosity of men, who are more anxious to scrutinize the secret councils of God, than to embrace the benefits openly offered to them. Hence it comes to pass that, from too much altercation on the points, For whom did Christ die, and for whom did He not die? little is thought by mankind individually, of applying to ourselves the death of Christ, by a true and lively faith, for the salvation of our own souls. It is my intention, in treating of this subject, to endeavour rather to appease strife, than to excite it anew. Since, therefore, it is conceded by those who extend the death of Christ to all mankind generally, that, as to its beneficial reception, it is applied only to certain persons in particular; and since on the other hand, those who restrain it to the elect alone, confess notwithstanding, that its benefits extend to all that are called, yea, to all men if they would believe ; both sides seem to acknowledge a twofold consideration of the death of Christ. For by both of them it is regarded as an universal cause of salvation, applicable to all mankind individually if they should believe, and as a special cause of salvation, applied effectually to certain persons in particular who have believed.

Vol. II. pp. 137, 138. We have left ourselves but little room to speak of the labours of the Editor and Translator. It would be in the highest degree unjust, however, to pass them over without the strongest expressions of commendation. They are such as to make the volumes very complete. The translation not only possesses the more ordinary and absolutely indispensable pre-requisites of general accuracy and fidelity, but the more rare recommendations of considerable care, propriety, and even elegance. It is not often that an expression occurs which grates upon the ear.

For our own parts, we highly applaud the practice (lately come into vogue) of translating valuable books of theology, originally written in Latin, into each man's vernacular; that is, where the works are really va

VOL. IX.- N.S.

luable. Whatever might be said, in a former age, for the practice of conveying theology in bad Latin, or whatever might be said for it now, as a medium of more general communication than any single modern language affords, we cannot see the peculiar benefit of puzzling over the horrible dog-Latin in which so large a portion of systematic theology is couched; except when it cannot be remedied; and this is rarely the case. We infinitely prefer å tolerable translation. As to the notion that the practice of reading such books tends to keep up the knowledge of Latin, (the plea sometimes made use of in its defence,) it is, we are persuaded, the most compendious method of destroying any thing like classical taste or a refined sensibility to the beauties and delicacies of the Latin tongue. Latin theology abounds with such words as would make

Quintilian stare and gasp.' A very valuable feature of the present work is, that the Editor has appended, (in the form of notes,) biographical sketches of the Fathers and schoolmen whose names so profusely adorn the pages of Davenant:-names once renowned and venerated ; now, in many instances, unknown or despised. It is but justice to say, that Mr. Allport has ferreted out the history of these 'bright obscure' with most laudable research. His notes, therefore, contain a great deal of curious valuable information. The sketch of the life of Davenant deserves the highest praise: it is the only attempt that has ever been made to give any thing like a detailed account of the history and writings of that great and good man. The materials for this purpose were necessarily very scanty; but what could be met with, have been procured, evidently by considerable labour, patience, and research. The whole is skilfully put together, and written with unaffected simplicity and great judgement. A good portrait of Davenant embellishes the first volume. We have observed several typographical errors ; but they are not such as materially detract from the value of the work.

We sincerely hope that the Translator will receive that encouragement from the public, which his labours merit.

.

Art. IV. 1. Thoughts on African Colonisation : or an impartial Ex

hibition of the Doctrines, Principles, and Purposes of the American Colonization Society. Together with the Resolutions, Addresses, and Remonstrances of the Free People of Colour. By Wm. Lloyd Garrison. 2 Parts. 8vo. pp. 160, 76. Boston, U. S.

1832. 2. The Anti-Slavery Reporter, No. 104, Dec. 31, 1832. Analysis of

the Report of a Committee of the House of Commons on the Ex

tinction of Slavery, with Notes by the Editor. 8vo. pp. 472. OUR readers will bear us witness, that we have upon

casions evinced an anxiety to do justice to our American brethren, and to promote, to the utmost of our ability, a cordial

all oc

good understanding between the two countries. It is not long since we endeavoured to vindicate the American Colonization Society from imputations and suspicions which we still wish to believe undeserved by its originators and early promoters. We had not then seen Mr. Garrison's pamphlet; and although we were somewhat startled at the language of the North American Reviewer, which seemed to imply the doctrine, that no slave ought to receive his liberty, except on the condition of being transported, -still, we were slow to believe that in republican America,—the land of freedom, the land of revivals'-'doctrines, principles, and purposes' so atrocious as are here brought home to the Colonizationists,' could be cherished by the mass of the public. Mr. Garrison himself does not impeach the motives of those who planned the Society.

Some of them,' he says, 'were undoubtedly actuated by a benevolent desire to promote the welfare of our coloured population, and could never have intended to countenance oppression. But the question is not, whether the motives were good or bad. There is a wide difference between meaning well and doing well. The slavetrade originated in a compassionate regard for the benighted Africans ; and yet, we hang those who are detected in this traffic. I am willing to concede, that Robert Finley and Elias B. Caldwell, were philanthropic individuals, and that a large number of their followers are men of piety, benevolence, and moral worth. What then? Is the American Colonization Society a beneficial institution ? We shall see hereafter.'

Our present object is not, however, to examine the merits of the project, or the motives of its founders. We will take it for granted, that the institution is a beneficial one; that the intentions of its principal supporters and advocates are benevolent ; that Mr. Garrison is.what his enemies style him, 'a fanatic, a madman, an incendiary, a monster, and worthy of death. It looks, however, as if he had truth and justice on his side, when we find him thus reviled. But into this question we do not now enter. It is to the documents contained in his pamphlet, the language of the American press, the avowed sentiments of the supporters of the Colonization project, that we wish now to direct the attention of our readers. The disclosure which this pamphlet makes, is truly a startling and a revolting one. Should it tend to lower the Americans as a people in the estimation of English Christians, the fault does not lie with us. We can truly say, we are grieved and pained at finding ourselves compelled by a sense of duty, to expose the anti-Christian spirit which seems to pervade all the States, and all classes of society in the Union, towards the coloured Americans.

But we have employed at the outset, a term which would be deeply resented by the whites. Strange to say, every black man

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140

Claims of the Blacks. born in America, is called an African. Although our American brethren have so long ceased to regard England as their mother country, notwithstanding that they are, in language, in religion, and in many essential characteristics, Englishmen, yet, they persist in calling Africa the native country of a race born on their own soil, of parents born in America for many generations upward; and in representing these coloured freemen, their own countrymen, every inch Americans, as poor unfortunate exiles from their much loved Guinea or Congo !' Our readers will require proof of this most palpable absurdity. The following are given by Mr. Garrison as illustrative specimens.

* At no very distant period, we should see all the free coloured people in our land, transferred to their own country. Let us send them back to their native land. *

By returning them to their own ancient land of Africa, improved in knowledge and in civilization, we repay the debt which has so long been due to them. African Repository.

And though we may not live to see the day, when the sons of Africa shall have returned to their native soil, &c. To found in Africa an empire of christians and republicans; to reconduct the blacks to their native land.' &c. Idem.

• Who would not rejoice to see our country liberated from her black population ? Who would not participate in any efforts to restore those children of misfortune to their native shores? The coloured population of this country can never rise to respectability here: in their native soil they can ! • The only remedy afforded, to colonize them in their mother country.

* They would go to that home from which they have long been absent. *** Shall we . retain and foster the alien enemies. Idem.

• Be all these benefits enjoyed by the African race under the shade of their native palms- Idem.

• We have a numerous people who, though they are among us, are not of us.' Second An. Report of N. York Col. Soc.

Among us is a growing population of strangers furnish the means of granting to every African exile among us, a happy home in the land of his fathers.' Rev. Baxter Dickinson's Sermon.

• Africa is indeed inviting her long exiled children to return to her bosom. Circular of Rev. Mr. Gurley.

This is something less innocent than mere romance. The greater part of the coloured population of the United States of America, are the descendants of those who were forcibly torn from Africa two centuries ago. Their fathers, it is remarked, assisted in breaking the yoke of British, oppression, and in

achieving that liberty which ’ Americans“ prize above all price ; • and they cherish the strongest attachment to the land of their

birth.' 'Nor is it many years since this patriotic attachment was so substantially evinced, as to excite the warm approbation of no

It will

less a person than General Jackson, the present President. Mr. Garrison gives us the following translation of a proclamation in the French language, issued during the last war. Proclamation to the free people of colour.

Soldiers !—When on the banks of the Mobile, I called you to take up arms, inviting you to partake the perils and glory of your white fellow citizens, I expected much from you ; for I was not ignorant that you possessed qualities most formidable to an invading enemy. I knew with what fortitude you could endure hunger and thirst, and all the fatigues of a campaign. I knew well how you

loved
your

NATIVE country, and that you had, as well as ourselves, to defend what man holds most dear—his parents, relations, wife, children, and property. You have done more than I expected. In addition to the

previous qualities I before knew you to possess, I found, moreover, among you, à noble enthusiasm which leads to the performance of great things.

• Soldiers !—The President of the United States shall hear how praiseworthy was your conduct in the hour of danger; and the Representative of the American people will, I doubt not, give you the praise your exploits entitle you to. Your General anticipates them in applauding your noble ardour.

. The enemy approaches ; his vessels cover our lakes; our brave citizens are united, and all contention has ceased among them. Their only dispute is, who shall win the prize of valour; or who, the most glory, its noblest reward. By order.

Thomas BUTLER, Aid-de-Camp.'

pp. 6, 7.

A respectable coloured gentleman of the city of New York, referring to this famous proclamation, makes the following brief comment.

· When we could be of any use to the army, we possessed all the cardinal virtues; but now that time has passed, we forsooth are the most miserable, worthless beings the Lord in his wise judgement ever sent to curse the rulers of this troublesome world! I feel an anathema rising from my heart, but I have suppressed it.'

The second part of Mr. Garrison's pamphlet is entirely occupied with numerous documents exhibiting the sentiments of the people of colour themselves; documents which, while reflecting the highest credit upon the good sense, ability, and virtuous feeling of this basely calumniated portion of the American community, place the advocates of the Colonization Society in no very advantageous light. We must make room for a few extracts from these interesting papers ; after perusing which, few of our readers will be at a loss to decide which party has the best of the argument.

• PHILADELPHIA. Jan. 1817. At a numerous meeting of the people of colour convened at Bethel Church, to take into consideration the pro

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