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attention, in the last year of their holding office, to the means of removing the existing distress, had preferred to devote themselves to a desperate attempt to keep tip their own power. He had never been an enemy to the Poor-law, and he must give his testimony to its uséful tendency, and to the praiseworthy manner in which, for the most part, their powers had been exercised by the Commissioners. He exhorted the House to discuss the subject in another session with more freedom from party-spirit.

Mr. C. Buller thought that the Ministers had acted wisely in proposing the simple continuance of the measure, until there should be time for careful and deliberate discussion. To him it appeared, that if they must take the instruction of the honourable Member for York, they ought to go into the whole of the Act from the beginning to the end; and then, with diligence, they might, by continuing their sittings till this time next year, make some approach to a conclusion of the undertaking. He scarcely believed that any one of the clauses would escape: he believed that there would be amendments moved upon every line of every clause. He commented on the inconsistency of some Conservative Members who had made vehement professions of hostility to the Poor-law on the hustings, which they now seemed to have forgotten.

On a division, the instruction moved by Mr. Yorke was rejected by 187 to 36..

Mr. Sharman Crawford afterwards moved another instruction to the Committee in a speech of great length, in which he dwelt upon most of the objections usually urged against the new system by

its opponents. Specifying six principal matters of grievance, viz. the separation of families; arbitrary punishment, and too severe discipline; harshness to the aged; bad food; difficulty of obtaining admission into the workhouse; and the mixture of the virtuous with the profligate; he illustrated these evils at considerable length by specifying particular cases of abuse which had occurred both in England and in Ireland; in which latter country, he said, the measure was more vicious and oppressive than in England. He concluded by moving, that it be an instruction to the Committee:

"That it shall not be lawful for the Commissioners, from the date of the passing of this Bill, to declare the formation of any new Unions in districts which are not already placed under the operation of the act 4th and 5th William IV. c. 76."

It

Mr. Busfield Ferrand seconded the motion in a speech of consider able warmth and vehemence. He identified the Poor-law with the Factory-system. He believed it had originated in a deep laid design between the rich cotton-spinners of Lancashire and the Poor-law Commissioners. He inveighed in strong terms against the Anti Corn-law League, their agitators and lecturers, for trying to set landlords and farmers against each other. would be found upon enquiry that the proprietors of large estates set the very best example by their conduct towards the suffering poor; while the manufacturers made large fortunes by the sweat of their labourers. He quoted reports and returns to show the great mortality prevailing in the manufacturing districts, and retorted in strong terms upon the mill-owners the

charges of inhumanity and avarice which they had brought against the landlords.

Sir James Graham said, that the measure before the House did not pledge any one to the maintenance of the Poor-law in its present state; but without the superintending care of the Commissioners for the next six months, the whole management of the poor would be thrown into inextricable confusion. With respect to the local Acts, as the law at present remained, no power existed to substitute the Poor-law where the Gilbert Unions were already in force. He called upon the House to put confidence in the control which the Executive would exercise over the Commissioners. Within the last six weeks, the Commissioners, yielding very judiciously to public opinion, had made considerable relaxations of the law. He then read an order which had been lately issued, involving some very important mitigations in the rule against out-door relief. After specifying some other instances of a disposition to act in a lenient spirit on the part of the Commissioners, he concluded by calling on the House to lend him their support in resisting the in

troduction of amendments.

Mr. Mark Phillips vindicated the manufacturers against the charges which had been made against them by Mr. Ferrand.

Mr. Wakley in a speech of some length declared his irreconcileable objection to the entire system introduced by the New Poor-law. He thought that it was fraught with danger to the country. It was his belief, that if the House adhered to the law as it at present stood-if its provisions were not considerably mitigated-the country would be stained with blood.

He mixed with people belonging to all classes of society; he was conversant with their opinions; and it was the belief of the great majority of the country that the Poor-law was not only inhuman in its nature, but anti-Christian; yes, he would repeat, it was anti-Christian-and that it had its origin in selfishness, the most destructive feeling that could be engendered by the human mind. He did not believe, that the Poor-law originated in a feeling of selfishness: it sprang from ignorance of the condition of the poor. He hoped the House would approach the subject in a Christian spirit, and not take it up on the dugmas of the Utilitarians, who would sacrifice everything for the purpose of squaring their principles, even to the grinding the bones of the poor into dust wherewith to manure the soil.

Mr. Crawford's instruction to the Committee having been rejected by 131 to 49, he moved a second, the object of which was to limit the powers of the Commissioners with respect to disallowing out-door relief. This motion, however, was rejected like the former one by a large majority. The bill then went through the Committee and passed; a motion by Mr. Fielden on the third reading, that it should be read on that day three months, having been rejected on a division by 133 to 18.

All the business of immediate urgency which required the attention of Parliament having been now despatched, nothing remained to delay the prorogation, which took place on the 7th October; the Lords Commissioners being the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Wellington, the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Shaftesbury, and Lord Wharncliffe. The Speaker and

the House of Commons having been summoned to the bar of the House of Lords, the Lord Chancellor read the following speech.

"My Lords and Gentlemen—

"We are commanded by her Majesty to acquaint you that it appears advisable to her Majesty to bring to a close the present session of Parliament.

"In conformity with the advice. of her Parliament, and in pursuance of the declared intentions of her Majesty, her Majesty has taken the requisite measures for the formation of a new Administration, and the arrangements for that purpose have been completed by her Majesty.

“Gentlemen of the House of
Commons-

"We have it in command from her Majesty to thank you for the Supplies which you have granted to her Majesty for those branches of the public service for which complete provision had not been made by the late Parliament.

"My Lords and Gentlemen

"The measures which it will be expedient to adopt for the purpose of equalizing the public income and the annual expenditure, and with the trade and commerce of other important objects connected the country, will necessarily occupy your attention at an early period after the recess.

"Her Majesty has commanded us to repeat the expression of her deep concern at the distress which has prevailed for a considerable period in some of the principal manufacturing districts, and to assure you that you may rely upon the cordial concurrence of her Majesty in all such measures as shall appear, after mature consideration, best calculated to prevent the recurrence of that distress, and to promote the great object of all her Majesty's wishes, the happiness and contentment of all her people."

The Lord Chancellor then declared Parliament to be prorogued to the 11th November next.

CHAPTER X.

FRANCE-State of Public Opinion in France, and situation of Parties -Addresses presented to the King on the Jour de l'An-Gratifying reception of the Clergy-Reply of the King-Financial Statement of M. Humann in the Chamber of Deputies-Account given by him of the different branches of the Public Revenues and their probable produce-Official Statement of the Assets and Liabilities of the Bank of France-Conviction and Imprisonment of the Abbé de Lammenais for publishing a Seditious Pamphlet-War-party advocate an alliance with Russia-Conduct of France towards Spain-Speech of M. Guizot in the Chamber of Peers on the Subject-Note addressed by M. Guizot to M. Ferrer, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Spain, in Answer to the Manifesto of Queen Christina-Question of the Fortifications round Paris-Appointment of a Committee to Report on the Subject-Report drawn up by M. Thiers-Discussion thereupon in the Chamber of Deputies-Speeches of MM. Carnot, Thiers, Marshal Soult, M. Guizol, and others—Amendment proposed by General Schneider for erecting Works on a less extensive scale opposed by M. Guizot, and negatived-Bill for fortifying Paris passed-Bill introduced by the Minister of Finance (M. Humann) demanding Credits-Speech of M. Humann-Forged Letters imputed to Louis Philippe-Prosecution of French Journals for publishing them— Execution of Darmes the Regicide-Discontent throughout France, and serious Disturbances in the Provinces on account of the pressure of Taxation-Riots at Toulouse, Lyons, and other places-Disturbances in Paris-Attempt to Assassinate the Duke d'Aumale on his return from Africa-Seizure of Quénissel the Assassin-Account of the "Communistes"-Trial and Condemnation of Quénisset and his Accomplices-Trial and Conviction of M. Dupoty, Editor of the Journal du Peuple-Government Prosecutions of the Press in France-Treaty for the Suppression of the Slave Trade signed in London between France and the other great Powers of EuropeAccount of the State of external Commerce of France, published by the Administration of Customs.

HIS

year opened with better

have given the history in our pre

Tauspices for peace of Eu ceding volume. True it is, that

rope than could have been anticipated, from the conduct and attitude of France ever since the execution of the treaty of the 15th of July, at London, of which we

the feeling of bitter hostility against England was still fostered and encouraged by the violent language of an incendiary press, and, to borrow the words of a contempo

rary writer, "the feeling amongst all classes was one of anger and exasperation. Carliste, Juste Milieu, Centres, Doctrinaires, and all the varieties of the Gauche, seemed to share it equally; and the provincial press was beyond measure violent and exciting. The Chamber was in a state of decomposition as to parties. The Foreign Minister (M. Guizot) was unpopular; and amidst all this the Court was underplotting and working for its own purposes." The clouds, indeed, rested on the horizon, and it was impossible to predict how soon the excited passions of the French might precipitate a war; but there were many reasons for believing, that this calamity would be averted, and that, on a mistaken point of honour, France would not throw away the scabbard and commence a struggle, in which she must have stood alone, against all the other great Powers of Europe.

In the first place, the question of the evacuation of Syria, and surrender of that country to its rightful Sovereign, the Sultan, had become un fait accompli; and a considerable interval had elapsed since England, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, had begun to employ force against the rebellious and obstinate Pasha of Egypt, without any overt act of hostility on the part of France. She had threatened, and shown every disposition to go to war, by increasing her armaments, both by sea and land, on a prodigious scale; but hitherto her anger had been confined to such demonstrations, and unless some new and unexpected event occurred to give her a pretext for declaring war, it was impossible for her to do so on account of any thing which had taken place up to this time, in consequence of the

signature of the Brunow Convention. In the second place, the Cabinet of M. Thiers had been compelled to give way on this very war-question, and it had been succeeded by the Soult-Guizot Ministry, whose views were much more pacific than those of their predecessors; and the character of the Minister for Foreign Affairs was itself a guarantee, that the voice of moderation and reason would prevail in the Councils of the King. Nor was the least trustworthy security for the peace of Europe to be found in the known disposition and temper of Louis Philippe. He was strongly averse to committing France in an isolated contest with the other great Monarchies of Europe, and was anxious especially to cultivate friendly relations with his powerful neighbour-Great Britain. England herself threw no fuel on the flame of discord between the two countries, and her calm and dignified conduct under the insulting menaces of the French jour nalists,cet affreux silence des Anglais, as it was on another occasion not inaptly called contributed, perhaps, more than anything else, to avert the catastrophe of a general war in Europe.

Upon the whole, therefore, there was good reason for believing that the irritated jealousy of France would not lead her into any greater folly than that of keeping up, at an enormous cost, une paix armée, and indulging in grandiloquent language about the national honour and dignity, while she stood aloof from the attempts that were made to conciliate her wounded pride by the other European Powers, who were sincerely desirous to cultivate friendly relations with that great and powerful kingdom.

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