g their country; they instituted a commiffion harged to confider of and prepare a plan of these beans. The declaration that the country is in danger, alled all the citizens to the common defence, all erfons in public trust to their posts; and yet, in midit of complaints inceffantly repeated of the maction of government, of the neglect, or ill agement of the preparations for war, of the felefs or dangerous motions of the armies, the wowed object of which was to favour the political dans of one of the generals, minifters unknown fufpected, were feen to fucceed one another apidly, and to prefent, under new names, the ame inactivity, and the fame principles. A declaration of the general of the enemy, which doomed to death all freemen, and promifd to cowards and traitors his difgraceful protectin, could not but add to thefe fufpiciens. In it be enemy of France feemed to attend to nothing at the defence of the king of the French. Twenty-fix millions of men were nothing in his timation, in comparifon of a privileged family; heir blood muft wet the earth to avenge the flight4 infult; and the king, inftead of expreffing his ndignation against a manifefto intended to take rom him the confidence of the people, feemed to ppofe to it, and that reluctantly, a cold and timid farowal. Who then can be aftonifhed that fufpicions of the fupreme head of the executive power should infpire citizens with the defire of no longer feeing the forces intended for the common defence at the difpolition of a king, in whofe name France was attacked, and the care of maintaining her internal tranquillity confided to him, whofe interests were the pretexts of all her troubles? To thefe moives, common to all France, were joined others, particular to the inhabitants of Paris. They faw the families of the confpirators at Coblentz, formg the habitual fociety of the king and his famiy. Writers, paid by the civil lift, endeavoured, by bafe calumnies, to render the Parifians odious or Cafpected in the eyes of the rest of France. Attempts were made to fow divifion between the poor zens and the rich; the national guard was agitated by perfidious manœuvres, in order to form in it a party of royalifts. In fine, the enemies of berty feemed to be divided between Paris and Coblentz, and their audacity increafed with their number. The constitution enjoined the king to give noice of approaching hoftilities to the national affemy; and long folicitations were neceffary to obtain of the ministry the tardy information of the rch of the Pruffian troops. The conftitution pronounced abdication against the king if he did not, by fome formal act, declare his oppolition to Enterprizes undertaken in his name against the ation; and the emigrant princes had opened pub ic loans in the king's name, had hired foreign ps in his name, had levied French regiments n his name, had formed a military household for im out of France; and thefe facts were known or more than fix months before the king, whofe blic declara ions, whole remonstrances with foign powers, might have prevented the fuccefs of It was their duty not to decide but after a mature and well-confidered examination, after a folemn difcuffion, after having heard and weighed all opinions. But the patience of the people was exhaufted; all at once, they appeared united as one man in the fame will; they marched to the king's refidence, and the king came to feek an afylum in the affembly of the reprefentatives of the people, whofe feat he knew that the fraternal union of the inhabitants of Paris with the citizens of the departments, would always render an inviolable afylum. National guards had been charged with defending the refidence which the king had abandoned, but with them Swifs foldiers were ftationed. The people had long feen, with painful furprise, Swifs batallions fharing the guard of the king, although the conftitution did not allow him to have a-foreign guard. It had long been easy to forefee, that this direct violation of the law, which was conftantly obtruded on every eye, would fooner or later occafion great misfortunes. The national affembly had neglected nothing to prevent them. Reports, difcuffions, motions made by individual members and referred to committees, had apprized the king several months before of the neceffity of difmiffing from about his perfon men, whom every where else the French always regarded as friends and brothers, but whom they could not fee retained about a conftitutional king, in direct contradiction to the constitution, without fufpecting that they had become the instruments of the ene mies of their liberty. A decree had ordered their removal: their commander fupported by the ministry, demanded changes in that decree: the national affembly confented to thofe changes. A part of the foldiers was to remain near Paris, but without doing any duty that might renew difquiets; and it was contrary to the fenfe of the national affembly, contrary to the law, that on the 10th of August they were employed on a fervice, from which every motive of humanity and of prudence ought to have kept them away; they received orders to fire on the armed citizens, at the inftant when the latter were inviting them to peace when unequivocal figns of flaternity announced that peace was going to be accepted at the inftant when a deputation of the national affembly was feen advancing in the midst of arms, to fpeak the words of peace and conciliation, and prevent carnage. Then nothing could top the vengeance of the people, who had thus proof of a new act of treachery, at the very moment they were coming to complain of thofe of which they had long been the victims. In the midst of these difalters, the national affembly, fembly, afflicted, but calm, took the oath to main tain equality and liberty, or to die at their post; they took the oath to fave France, and they fought for the means. is evidently necessary, in which it would be abfurd The conftitution forefaw, that all accumulation of powers was dangerous, and might change b tyrants of the people those who ought to be. their reprefentatives; but its judged alfo, the this danger fuppofed a long exercife of this er ordinary power, and the term of two months a that which it has fixed for all cafes in which a permits this union of powers, which in all ot cafes it has fo rigorously profcribed. The national affembly, far from extendiantib term, has reduced it to forty days only; and fa from exceeding the perind fixed by the wa the plea of neceffity, they have brought thenfelves within the narrowest limits. They faw but one, which was that of recurring to the fupreme will of the people, and inviting them to exercife immediately their inalienable right of fovereignty, which the conftitution has recognized, and which it could not fubject to any restriction. The public intereft required that the people fhould manifest their will by the fenfe of a national convention, formed of reprefentatives invefted by them with unlimited powers; it required no less than that the members of this convention should be elected in each department in an uniform manner, and according to a regular mode. But the national affembly could not restrain the powers of the fovereign people, from whom alone the members of that affembly hold all the powers they poffe's. They were bound to confine themfelves, to conjuring the people, in the name of their country, to follow the fimple regulations traced out for them. In thefe, the forms inftituted for elections were refpected, because the establishment of new When the power of fanctioning the lor is forms, even fuppofing them to be better, would fufpended, the conftitution has pronounced, that have been a fource of delay, perhaps of divifion. the decrees of the legislative body thall be of They preferved in them none of the conditions of themselves the character and authority of laws; eligibility, none of the limitations of the right of. and finte he, to whom the constitution gave the electing or being elected, eftablished by the former choice of minifters, could no longer exercise hit laws, because thefe laws, which are fo many re- functions, it was neceffary that a new her fold strictions on the exercife of the sight of fovereign- put the choice into other hands. The afferaly ty are not applicable to a national convention, in conferred the right on themselves, becaude dis which this right ought to be exercifed with com- right could not but be given to electors who be plete independence. The diftinction of active longed to the whole nation, and because they citizens appears not in thefe regulations, becaufe alone have that character at prefent. But they it is alfo a reftriction of the law. The only con- were careful to avoid giving ground for the faiditions required are those which nature has pre-picion that, in conferring this power on themfcribed, fuch as the neceffity of being connected, by a fixed refiftance, with the territory for which the right of citizenship is exercifed, of having attained the age at which men are held by the laws of the nation of which they make a part, to be in a condition to exercite their perfonal rights; fi nally, of having preferved abfolute independence of will. But to affemble new reprefentatives of the people required time; and although the national aflembly have made as fhort as poffible the periods of the operations which the convention made neceflary; although they accelerated, the period at which they muft ceafe to bear the burden of the public weal, in fuch a manner as to avoid the leaft fufpicion of ambitious views; the term of forty-days would fill have expofed the country to great misfortunes, and the people to dangerous commotions, if to the king had been left the exercife of the powers conferred upon him by the constitution; and the fef4 penfion of thefe powers appeared to the reprefene tatives of the people the only means of faving France and liberty. In pronouncing this neceffary fufpenfion, the affembly have not exceeded their powers. The conftitution authorifes them to pronounce it in the cafe of the absence of the king, when the terms at which this abfence incurs a legal abdication is not yet arrived, that is to fay, in the cafe in which there is not yet ground for a definitive refolution, but in which a provifonal act of rigour elves, they fought so gratify ambitious or perfts. al views; they decreed, that the election shield se made aloud, that each of them should preans. his choice in prefence of the national-reprefent tion, in prefence of the numerous citizens tis attended their fittings, They took care therech of their own body thould have his college fr his judges, the public for a witness, and foud answer for his choice to the whole nation Y Frenchmen, det uss unite all our free app! the foreign tyranny which dares to threaten with its vengeance twentyfir millions of freemer Within fix weeks a power, which every chann acknowledges will pronounce on your divisions; woe to the man who liftening during this fort interval, to perional Sentiments, shall not dévot z bimfelf wholly to the comozon defence, who poi pot foe, that at the moment when the forere ga will of the people is about to petk, we have n enemies but the confpirators of Pilnitz, and their accomplices.: It is in the midst of a foreign war, at the ma ment, when umerous armies are prep wine for a formidable invefion, thanwarcel upon the citiz ma to difcufs in a peaceable affembly the rights of liberty. That which would have appeared rub among any other people, feemed to us not abse the courage and the patriotism of the Frenc and undoubtedly we fhall not have the misfortas of finding ourfelves deceived in judging you warthy to forget every other intereft but that of liberty, liberty, of facrificing every other fentiment to the love of your country.. Citizens, it is for you to judge, if your repres fentatives have exercised for your good the powers you have confided to them, if they have acted according to your wishes in making ufe of their powers, which neither they nor you could forefee to be neceffary. We have difcharged our duty in feizing with courage on the only means of preferving liberty that occurred to our confideration. Ready to die for it at the poft in which you have placed us, we fhall carry with us, at least on quitting that poft, the confolation of having maintained it faithfully. Whatever judgment our contemporaries or pofterity may pafs upon us, we fhall not have to dread that of our own confciences; to whatever danger we may be exposed, the happiness will remain to us of having fpared the torrents of French blood which a weaker conduct would have caufed to flow; we shall be spared remorfe at leaft; nor fhall we have to reproach ourselves with having feen a means of faving our country, and not having dared to embrace it. [Signed] GAUDET, President. The Hiftory of Political Transactions and of Par. sies, from the Refloration of King Charles the Second to the Death of King William. By Thomas Somerville, D. D. IN (Continued from our laft.) N our laft Magazine we brought our review of this work to the death of King Charles the Second. The events of the fubfequent Reign, though crouded, afford little fcope for political investigation. The meafures of James, dictated by bigotry, were precipitant, perfidious and cruel; and the Revolution may rather be confidered as the natural effect of them, than as accomplished by a fpirit of reftless intrigue or refined policy. By his own mifguided zeal the infatuated Monarch accelerated the period of his ruin and the liberty of Britain. The Prince of Orange was certainly indebted for his elevation to the throne, more to the folly and blind fury of his father-inlaw, than to his own abilities and efforts. Accordingly, Dr. S. afcribes to him no deep-laid fchemes of ambition, but allows him no fmall merit in dexterously availing himself of every circumftance to attain the object of his wishes. Chapter VII. which comprifes the principal tranfactions of this inglorious Reign, cannot be denied the praise of concife elegance. Amidit a variety of particulars, we are pleased with the following contraft between the characters of Sunderland and Shaftesbury: "Habits of profufion required liberal refources, and rendered him anxious to retain his employments as the means of gratifying them. An uncommon capacity for bufinefs, cultivated by experience in the official line, juftified a recommendation to the most important employments, and infured credit and advantage to his patron. By infinuation, flexibility, industry, in all of which he was a proficient, he obtained a prefeHib. Mag Nov. 1792. rence to perfons of purer virtue, who were engaged with him in a competition for favours. The diverfified operations of the fame predominant dif pofition were never more confpicuously difplayed, than by the oppofite conduct of Shaftesbury and Sunderland: Alike enslaved to ambition, they exerted every nerve, and every faculty, to gratify it. The different methods adopted by them for this end, marked the diffimilitude of their tempers. Shaftesbury, impetuous and overbearing, affaulted the forts of power by ftorm and by violence: Sunderland, timid, crafty, fubmiffive, attempted to gain poffefhon of them by the lefs fufpected, but not lefs fuccessful, plan of mining and ambufcade. The one, by alarming the fears of his fovereign, expected to fubdue his mind to a reluctant compliance with his ambitious fchemes; the other, by flattering his weakness and prejudices, infinuated himself into his confidence and favour. With a flexibility inconfiftent with any fhadow of principle, he approved, he flattered, he abetted the various humours and meafures of every mafter whom he ferved. Though a vio-. lent exclufionift, he retained his office, and a great fhare of court intereft in the late reign, by the addrefs and affiduity with which he cultivated the favour of the king's miftrefs, the duchess of Portsmouth. By the fame dexterous accommodation of manners, he now gained the good graces of the queen, and he was felected by her to be the head of that party by which the intended to undermine the influence of the family of Clarendon Her expectations were not disappointed. quickly engroffed the confidence of his mafter; he became a convert to his religion; honoured Priests and Confefiors; joined in their confultati-. ons; and prompted, as it is fufpected, the molt violent attacks upon the established religion and government." He To this Chapter is fubjoined an Appendix, enquiring how far the Prince of Orange was concerned in Monmouth's Rebellion, and vindicating him from the accufations of D'Avaux, James, and father Orleans, and from the fevere animadverfions of Mr. Macpherson. Here, and indeed through the whole work, our author feems to entertain a fond veneration for the character of William; and Chapter VIII. which treats of the immediate caufes of the Revolution, opens an ample field for bringing forward his abilities and activity in that decive crifis. We cannot, however, charge Dr. S. with want of candour or of found reafoning. His remarks evidently come from the heart, and have much folidity. He gives up all defence of William's declaration fo far as it regards the fuppofititious birth of the Prince of Wales, but thinks his conduct areproachable in every other refpect. The conceifion gives weight to the juftification. The proceedings in England, from the Abdication of James to the fettlement of the crown upon William and Mary, are fuccinctly related in chapter IX. The meatures of the convention are defended with temper and ability. Both here and in the preceding chapter the matter is felected and arranged with judgment and perfpicuity. Chapter X. is occupied by the affairs of ScottNna land adverfe to land during the fame period, and begins with fome fenfible obfervations on the circumftances in that kingdom which were the caufe of liberty. The Author fpeaks with manly freedom concerning the rude manners and intolerant fpirit of his countrymen. "Their fentiments were narrow and abject" (p. 243). "Lower ranks were idle, indigent, and oppreffed" (244). Perfons of diftinction were domineering, infolent, and oppreffive" (245), and "the Revolution tempted the Prefbyterians to retaliate on the Epifcopals thofe injuries of which they themselves had juftly complained. "The perfons of their clergy were attacked," "their churches were ravaged," and " the Nobility and Gentry of that perfuafion. were expofed to affault and danger" (p. 250. 1). Such an avowal of undeniable, truths might, not many years ago, have expofed a Scotch Prefbyterian Clergyman to affault and danger.ro. Although a majority, both in the convention of England and Scotland, had placed William and Mary upon the throne, yet many circumstances threatened to disturb, if not to overturn their government. James had fome avowed and many concealed friends. He enjoyed the protection and was promifed the fupport of the most powerful monarch in Europe. The plea of hereditary right was in his favour, and had many zealous advo cates. The voice of the nation might foon change, The jarring interests of thofe powerful individuals who united in promoting the Revolution, might create divifions among them, and increase the number of his partizans. There can be little doubt that fuch obvious confiderations led some men of the first character in the kingdom to think of providing for their own fafety at all events, by preffing their fervices on William, while they fecretly correfponded with James. And befides thefe caufes, which rendered the Revolution fettlement infecure, others incidentally occurred, During the latter years of Charles the fecond a fpirit of intrigue had gone forth, which could not be ex pected to rest in the fluctuating state of opinions and parties; and among the best friends of the Revolution, a fcramble arofe for power, which excited mutual jealouties, animofities, and difguft. The detail of the views and meafures of parties, the cautious and steady courfe which William fteered, and his dexterous management in bringing the nation to fupport his government and enter into his schemes, fill up the remainder of the volume. The profeffed object of chapter XI. is to give "a concife detail of the most important debates and refolutions in the convention parliament, which," the author obferves, will convey to the reader authentic information concerning the views, the ftruggles, and the fuccefs of different parties; and the immediate effects produced by the revolution on the revenue, laws, and conftitution of England." This purpofe is judiciously executed. The narrative is compressed with fidelity, and accompanied by reflections which cannot fail to be acceptable to every lover of civil and religions liberty. The obfervations on the connection between the state of the revenue and the temper of government,” and those on the « progreffive improvement of railing fupplies, tending to the enlargement of liberty," which form an appendix to this chapter, ought rather, in our opinion, to have been thrown into two notes. And perhaps the fecond appendix, vindicating William from the charge of bigotry, might have been introduced with greater propriety into fome fubfequent part of the work. In this appendix the rash affertions of Mr. Macpherson are clewly refuted, without one expreilion of acrimony or triumph. We transcribe the concluding paragraph, p. 306. "As it has been found that the Proteftant religion, in general, has been most favourable to the progrefs of civilization and the extention of liberty, fo it has been alio found, that these effects are moft perfect and confpicuous where the ípirit and rules of Proteftant churches have been moft tole rant and liberal. The ardour and perfeverance with which William profecuted a relaxation of the tests, and the bill of comprehenfion, fo far from deferving to be branded with the cenfure of nar rownefs, and bigotry, are illuftrious evidences of that wisdom and liberality which reflect the highest honour upon the human character." After the diffolution of the convention parliqment, the Tories came into power. Their infil ence was predominant in the election of meners to the fecond parliament of William. Chapt XII. gives an account of the proceedings of the first fellion of that parliament, and of the operations in Ireland till the battle at the Boyne. The obfervations which are occafionally interspersed, being always pertinent, and often animated, contribute not a little to enliven the deas. The bigotry and tyranny of James while in Ireland, his willing fubjection to the counfels of France, the avowed enemy of England, and the rapacity and cruelty of his, courtiers and foldiers towards Proteftants, are properly illuftrated caules of infpiring the English with horror at his return, and confirming their attachment to the revolution. In the two following chapters, which carry the history forward from the meeting of the fecond feffion of the fecond parliament of William is October 1590, to the prorogation of the fixth feflion in May 1695, much ingenuity is difcovered in accounting for the changes in the temper both of the nation and the parliament, and may circumftances are placed in a new and probably a juft point of view. In the interval between the fecond and third feffions of this parliament, events occurred which led the commons, from being una nimous and ready in granung supplies, to thew Tymptoms of backwardness, and ill-humour. The complete reduction of Ireland removed all their fears. The liberal conditions on which the furrender of Limerick was accepted, difgufted them. The great expence, alfo, and the ill fuccefs of the war, jealousy of the king's partiality for the Dutch, the unfavourable terms to England an which the confederacy was formed, the want of refources, ftrength, firmneis, and unanimity among its various members, the loftes fuftained by traders, and the ditaffection of a great body of clergy, are all all enumerated as caufes of this alteration. The laft particular as being important, and not fo obvious, is more fully explained. Our limits, how ever, will not allow us to analyfe, in this manner, all the variations in the fluctuating fentiments of these ticklish times. We are under the neceffity of referring our readers to the work itfelf, affuring fuch of them as venerate the memdry of queen Mary, that ample juftice is done to her prudence and activity, during the critical period when her husband was on the continent, and England was threatened with a French invafion. Her character impreffès us with a favourable opinion of the author's heart." "Few characters have been more extolled by friends, or more virulently traduced by enemies, than that of Mary. Unconnected with, and uninfluenced by party, we can be at no lofs to perceive, that her friends have founded their encomiums upon the evidence of a temper and qualifications honourable to the human character; while the detraction and calumny of her enemies referzed to facts extremely doubtful, and to circumftances occafioned by the peculiar difficulties of the part fhe was called upon to act. She poffeffed, in an eminent degree, all thofe accomplishments and graces which constitute the merit of her fex in domeftic life. Her affability, mildness, and delicacy, captivated the affections of her companions and dependants. Such dexterity and prudence in the management of parties, fuch difcretion and activity in the most critical ftate of affairs, have rarely been found in a perfon fo little addicted to oftentation, and fo averfe to interfere in public business. So devoid was the of ambition, and fo indifferent perfonal grandeur, 'that The not only rejected the fervices of those who were difpofed to prefer her right to the crown before that of her husband, but he would not even participate of the administration while he was in the country, nor did she so much as afpire at the influence to which her station and merits entitled her. Her exemplary devotion, her zeal for the Proteftant religion, her confcien, tious difpofal of ecclefiaftical preferments, her patronage of ufeful defigns, and application to good works, render her memory precious to the friends of religion and virtue. If, upon particular occafions, natural affection feemed to be languid, or fufpended; if the appeared hath and unduti, ful by confenting to the dethronement of her fa ther, or by efpoufing, with apparent animofity, the quarrel of her husband with her fifter, her conduct in fuch instances may be fairly afcribed, not only to a refpect for her duty as a wife, but to the fingularly critical fituation of him to whom the ftood in that relation. Nothing lefs than the most cordial and unequivocal approbation of the conduct of her husband could have obtained, or preferved to him, that authority which he derived from his relation to her, Whatever painful emotions the might feel from the difgrace of her father, or from coming to a breach with her fifter, yet prudence required the concealment of them, to fecure the reputation and fafety of that perfon who was the dearest object of her affection, and the profperity of that caufe, which, from the pure influence of principle, he was zealous to promote." Here the history ftands ftill, while in chapter XV. the author offers fome obfervations on the general caufes which affect the stability of political revolutions, and on the peculiar dangers which threatened the revolution in England. William's having afpired to royalty, his preferring the enemies, and neglecting the friends of the revolution, diffolving the convention parliament, and exercising fome necefiary severities in punifling confpirators, are mentioned as shaking the pillars of his government, and encouraging difaffection. His feeble conftitution alfo, his fatigues and dangers, the formidable preparations of France, the heavy taxes, the unfuccefsful war, the detection of corruption, are all pointed out as additional circumstances, which difpofed people of all parties to liften to the propofal of recalling the exiled monarch. Their correspondence with him and his agents is next examined in a very difpaffionate manner, and fatisfactory reafons are affigned for caution in drawing conclufions concerning the guilt of feveral who engaged in it. Here, as well as in the cafe of Ruffel and Sidney, chapter V. Dr. S. though he admits the authenticity of the letters and memorials which have been published by Sir J. Dalrymple and Mr. Macpherfon, is unwilling to allow to them that degree of credibility to which these gentlemen think them intitled; and to us his arguments appear convincing. There being, however, fufficient evidences of fucceffive confpiracies to refore James, and to affaffinate, or at least to expel William, our author proceeds to enquire into the causes by which thefe were, from time to time, counteracted, and finally defeated. The caufes investigated are, first, The backwardness of Louis to affift James; fecond, The divifion of fentiments among his friends in England; third, The growing reputation of William, and the contempt entertained for James; fourth, Various occurrences anexpectedly frengthened the new government, fach as the regency of Mary, always mild and prudent; her death uniting the intereft of her husband and fifter, formerly divided and triennial parliaments, highly greeable to the people, and which the re@oration of James would inftantly annihilate, as an ufurpation upon prerogative not to be endured. This chapter is the best part of the work which has hitherto come under our review, and affords a favourable fpecimen of the author's talents for compofition and political research. In support of this decifion, we intended to have gratified our readers with an extract, but it is fo connected from the beginning to the end, that no part is fufficiently detached to be extracted with advantage. (To be continued.) 131 Account of A General History of Inland Navigation, Foreign and Dometic containing a com.. plete Account of the Canals already executed in England, with Confiderations on these projected. To which are added, Practical Objervations. By J. Phillips, |