diftinguished) in preference to the ufe of whiskey, which is the bane of the lower orders of fociety throughout this kingdom.

I went to vifit the barony of Forth, which is fituated at the extremity of this country, where are the remains of an ancient colony, planted there during the reign of Henry 2d king of England. They have preferved their antient manners and cuftoms, and have intermixed little or none with the natives. Their language is peculiar to themfelves alone, as I imagine it varies from that of the whole world. Thefe people live well, are induftrious, cleanly, and of good morals, the pooreft farmers live better than the generality of their kind in this county, or perhaps in Ireland, their houfes are well built, well thatched, an have every out office neceffary for a farmer. The Lady's Inland is in this barony, fituated partly at one extremity of a beautiful lough, of about 3 or 4 miles in circumference. On this ifland is an old building, dedicated to the Virgin Mary, where, on particular, days, numbers profeffing the roman catholic religion, affemble to pay adoration to the faint, and do penance for their paft fins. There is delightful fhooting on this lough and ifland."

Reflections on the probable Confequences of the French Revolution, whether fuccefs. ful or unfuccesful.

N

OTHING can be more evident than that a mighty change in the direction of the public fentiments of Europe is likely to rife from the French revolution, whether it be successful or unfuccefsful. If it be fuccessful, the fpirit of extreme democracy is likely to fpread over all Europe, and to fwallow up in a volcanic eruption every remnant of monarchy and of nobility in the civilized world. The probability of fuch effects is fo ftrongly believed by the enemies of that revolution, that it is the ground of their alarm, the fubject of their invective, and the pretext of their hoftilities. It was to prevent fuch confequences, that Mr. Burke fo benevolently counfelled the princes of Europe to undertake that

crufade in which they are now fo piously engaged.

If, on the other hand, the efforts of France be unfuccefsful; if her liberties be deftroyed, there can be liule doubt that fuch a fhock will most powerfully impel the current of opinion to the fide of monarchy; a direction in which it will be likely for feveral ages to continue. The example of the deftruction of the great French republic. would diffufe difmay and fubmiffion among a multitude, who only judge by events; and the bloody fcenes which must attend fuch a deftruction, would indeed be fufficient to appal the fterneft and most ardent champions of liberty. The fpirit of Europe would crouch under the dark fhade of defpotifm, in dead repofe and fearful obedience. The royal confederacy which had effected this fubverfion, would doubtless continue its concert and its efforts. The principle of maintaining the internal independence of nations, being deftroyed by the example of France, no barrier would any longer be oppofed to the arbitrary will of kings. The internal laws of all the European states would be dictated by a council of defpots, and, thus the influence of moral caufes on public opinion, co-operating with the combined ftrength and policy of princes, every faint veftige and loose remnant,' of free government would be swept, from the face of the earth.

In either alternative England cannot be exempt from the general fpirit. If the phrenzy of democracy be excited by the fuccefs of France; if the fpirit of abject fubmiffion and of triumphant defpotifm be produced by her failure; in the first event the peace, in the fecond the liberty of England is endangered. In the first event a furious republicanifm, in the fecond a defperate toryifm is likely to pervade the country. Againft the prevalence of both extremes there. only exifts one remedy. It is to invigo rate the democratic part of the conftitution; it is to render the houfe of commons fo honeftly and fubftantially the reprefentative of the people, that republicans may no longer have topics of invective, nor minifters the means of corruption. If the one fpirit prevail, it is

neceffary

neceffary to reform the houfe of commons, that the difcontents of the people may be prevented. If the other fpirit prevail, the fame reform is neceffary, that that it may be itrong enough to refift the encroachments of the crown. In the one cafe, to prevent our government from being changed into a pure democracy; in the other, to prevent it from being changed into a fimple monarchy. In either event the fame precaution is neceffary. The fame reform will preferve the English conftitution from the fap of royal influence, and from the ftorm of tumultuous democracy. A conftitution which provided a pure reprefentative of the people, and which included only enough of monarchy for vigour, and only enongh of ariftocracy for deliberation, would bid a juft defiance to the most magnificent and feductive vifions of democratic enthufiafm. A people who felt that they poffeffed a vigorous popular controul on their government, could fee little obnoxious, and nothing formidable in the powers of the peerage and the crown, and would feel none of that difcontent which alone could make them acceffible to the arts of republican miffionaries. The fuccefs of the French, the fafcinating example of their fuperb democracy, will have no dangerous effects on the minds of contented Englishmen. But what wifdom can avert the effects which must arife from such a model of representation, and fuch a spirit as the fuccefs of France will produce in Europe, if that fpirit is to operate on a diffatisfied people, and that model be perpetually compared with the ruins of a free government? In the alternative then of the fuccefs of the French revolution, nothing furely can be fo indifpenfable as a fpeedy reform in the reprefentation of the people.

That to infufe a new portion of popular vigour into the houfe of commons, is the only remedy that can be oppofed to the triumphant tory ifm which the fubverfion of the French republic muft produce, is a propofition fo evident, as neither to demand proof nor to admit illuftration. We have feen the influence of an odious and unpopular court victorious during a long reign, in hoftility

to the prejudice, and in defiance of the jealoufy of the people. What then are we to expect from that increafed and iscreafing influence, conducted perhaps with more dexterity in the cabinet, feconded with equal devotion in the houfe of commons, and aided by the blind enthufiafm of a people, who are intor icated by commercial profperity, ard infatuated by all the prejudices of the moft frantic toryifm? Under such a fizz of things, what can prevent the form tion of an uncontrouled monarchy, ari the abforption of every power by a court, from which Englishmen are to learn what remnant of perional fecurity it will vouchfafe to fpare, what formality of public freedom it will deign to endure, with what image of the conftitution i will indulge and amufe an infatuated rabble.

Such are the effects which the fuccefs or the fubverfion of French democracy feem calculated to produce on the temper and fentiments of the European nations. This therefore is the mo ment to repair and to ftrengthen the English conftitution. The fate of France hangs in fufpence. Her fuccefs is yet too dubious, widely or dangerously to diffufe a spirit of imitation; and the conteft between her and the defpotic leagu is ftill too equal to plunge the people e Europe into the lethargy of fervility or defpair. This then is that paufe of tranquility, during which we have to prepare which against the hurricane with which we are menaced. This therefore is the moment when what was before expedient is become neceffary; when that reform is now fafe, which in future may be inpracticable or dangerous. Reform was before ufeful to improve; it is now enceffary (and perhaps the period of its efficacy is fhorter than we may imagine) to preferve the government. Menacel by the predominance of a democratical or a monarchical fpirit, give the people their rights, and they will not be provoked to demand more; create an inde pendent houfe of commons, and the power of the crown will be checked; defpotifm and tumult will be equally averted; the peace of the country will be preferved; the liberty of the country will be immortalized. C. J. F.

It is at the moment when the country is in danger, that all her children fhould prefs round her, Never was it threatened with a greater danger, than at prefent. The commons of Paris have fent us to you. We bring into the fanctuary of the laws the wither of an immenfe city. Full of refpect for the reprefentatives of the nation, and of confidence in their courage and patriotifm, the citizens of Paris have not for a moment defpaired of the public fafety. But they think, that to cure the diforders of France, you ought, without an infant's delay, to attack them at the foot. It is with heart-felt grief that they have found it neceffaty to commiffion us to appear before you this day, as accufers of the head of the executive power. The people know that they might with juftice ufe against him the language of indignation. But expreffions of anger become not men of trong minds. Compelled as we are to impeach Louis XVI, before you, and before all France, we will do it, on the one hand without afperity, and, on the other, without minding the charge, which would betray a pullanimity anworthy of our character. This is not a time to liften to the voice of that long indulgence, which, however it may become a generous nation, never fails to encourage kings to commit perjury. When the falvation of the ftate is in queftion, even the finer feelings of the heart and the more amiable paflions should be fufpended.

We will not recal to your r collection the whole of the conduct of Louis XVI, from the firft day of the revolution; his bloody projects against the city of Paris; his predilection for priests and nobles; his averfion to the main body of the people; the national affembly infulted by the fervants of the court, furrounded by armed men, wandering through a royal city, and unable to find an afylum but in a tenn's court. We will not recal to your recollection oaths fo often broken, proteftations daily made, and daily violated, till the moment when a perfilious flight opened the eyes even of those citizens who were most blinded by the fanaticiim of flavery. We will not bring forth to view whatever the people were pleafed to bury under the veil of pardon, which they granted him on that occafion. But to forgive is not to forget. In vain fhould we strive to forget all thofe crimes; they will fully the page of history, and the memory of them will be handed down to pofterity.

Hib. Mag. Nov. 1792.

f

But we feel it a duty incumbent upon us to lay before you a concife enumeration of the acts of kindnefs done by the nation to Louis XVI, and to contrast them with the ingratitude of that prince. How many reafons might have been affigned for removing him from the throne, when the people allerted by force their fovereignty! The memory of an imperious and all-devouring dynasty, which for one king, had given us twenty tyrants; hereditary defpotifm increating from reign to reign with the mifery of the people; the public finances completely destroyed by Louis XVI, and his two immediate predeceflors; infamous treaties, for which the national honour was facrificed; the eternal enemies of France becoming her allies and her mutters: Such, were the rights which Louis XVI, could plead to a conftitutional fceptre. The nation, faithful to its character, pursued the dictates of generolity rather than those of prudence. The defpot of an enflaved foil became the king of a free people. After having endeavoured to efcape from France, that he might reign at Coblentz, he was placed again upon the throne, perhaps contrary to the wifh of the nation, which ought to have been confulted upon the occafion.

This great act of kindness to the king was followed by a thoufand others. Toward the clofe of the laft affembly we faw the rights of the people weakened, that the power of the crown might be strengthened; the first officer of the public made the hereditary reprefentative of the nation; a military household eftablishment formed for the purpose of adding splendour to his throne;, and his legal authority fupported by a civil lift, to which no other bounds were given than thofe which be himfelf was pleased to give it.

Soon did we behold the kindnefs of the nation turned ag in't herself. The power with which Louis XVI was armed for the defence of liberty, he employed against it. Let us take a view of the internal parts of the kingdom, Wicked ministers are removed by the irrefiftible force of public contempt; yet thefe are the men whofe removal, he regrets. Their fucceffors warn the nation and the king of the dangers that farround the country; Louis XVI difmiffes them, becaufe they themfelves honeft citizens. The inviolability of the king, and the perpetual change of miniters, elude the laws annexing refponibility to the agents of the executive power. A body of life guards, hofile to liberty, is diffolved in appearance, but is ftili fuffered to exit in reality,

owed

Forced to accufe Louis XVI, we fall do it without paflion and without artifice. We shall not retrace his whole conduct from the first intant of the revolution, his plans against the city of Paris, his attachment to the nobleffe, the outrages offered to the conflituent affembly by the valets of the court, when that body was furrounded by armed-men, and forced to take refuge in a tennis

court.

We do not refer to his oaths fo often violated; we pass over all that has been covered by the par don of the people. But it is proper to notice the kids of the nation to its king, and the ingratitude which he has fhewn to it. Let us examine alfo what were the rights of Louis XVI to the conMmm ititutional