"reft contented with the moft perfect toleration of our religion, the fulleft fecurity of our property, and the moft complete perfonal liberty." They are great and important bleffings, but they are not fecure to any man who is a flave. They are held but by fufferance, by those who are taxed without their confent, and legiflated for without being reprefented. We agree with the Corporation in the fpirit of one affertion, they "know of no power under Heaven authorised to alienate this their moft valuable inheritance." Let our claims be tried by the fame principle. The Catholics were the conftituents of the very parliament, which deprived them of their franchife, and thereby did indeed alienate their "moft valuable inheritance;" and though we have acquiefced under that unjuft deprivation for fixty-five years, and though we will continue to acquiefce, fo long as the ftatute ftands in its prefent form, we must fill declare, as a polititical truth, that no elected and delegated legislature has a right to disfranchife its electors and delegators, who never entrufted their power to that body for the purpose of being made the inftrument of its own deftruction.-And we further fay, that in our judgment, not even thofe electors could empower their representatives to enflave us, their pofterity. We are likewife told by the Corporation, that "experience has taught them, that without the ruin of the Proteftant eftablishment, the catholic cannot be allow ed the finalleft influence in the state.", The inclinations of our body are not to fubvert any eftablishment in this country; if they were, we are not competent to fo abfurd a project: and no ftrength that we might derive from the reftoration of our rights would enable us to ef fect it, while the king, the houfe of lords, the Irifh privy council, the English privy council, and the chancellors of both countries are unalterably proteftant. -If by eftablishment be meant religious eftablishment, we muft further reply, that no experience has taught them fo; the Proteltant religion was dominant in this country, long before our ancestors loft their elective franchife. It is only fince the year 1727, that Proteftanitfm has been the religion of the ftate in Ireland?-If by eftablishment be meant the government of the country, it is equally ill-founded; that is inftituted for the freedom and happiness of the governed; and yet this addrefs would imply, that procuring freedom and happinefs for 3-4ths of this kingdom would caufe the utter ruin of our government. A greater libel against the conftitution of Ireland was never uttered by its most declared enemy. It is fufficiently capacious to give liberty to every man; and the more its bafe is widened and its bleffings diffufed, the more will it be fortified against the efforts of time and defpotifm. Nor does experience warrant the affertion. Our lofs of the right of citizenship is comparatively modern; and the government of this country neither required nor gained any acceffion of ftrength by our flavery. That was ef fected in a time of profound tranquillity, after the uninterrupted loyalty and peaceable demeanour of our ancestors had been experienced and acknowledged for thirty-fix years from the capitulation of Limerick. The caufes that induced this law are now almoft forgotten; but if tradition is to be believed, where hiftory is filent, it was enacted to fatisfy court intrigue, not public fecurity; to change the balance of power between Proteftant families in two or three counties of this kingdom, not to give any increafe of power to the proteftants at large. It is fuggefted in that Addrefs, that the revolution was established in Ireland by force, or as it is prophanely called by .. an Appeal to Heaven." The Revolution in England, derived all its glory and its ftability from this great truththat it was effected by the people's will. Does the Revolution in Ireland ftand on a different foundation? Is it fupported by a principle directly the reverfe of that which rentered the Revolution in England the admiration of the world? No; it is not fo; we will not concur in calumniating that great event, that our ancestors may alfo be calumniated. The Revolution in Ireland was not compleated by the battles of the Boyne or Aughrim; but by the articles of Limerick. It was confented to by all, Proteftants 388 Declaration of the Roman Catholics of the City of Dublin. Nov. and Catholicks. The confent of the Catholics was obtained by a compact as folemnly ratified and as fpeedily broken, as any in the records of hiftory. By that compact, the enjoyment of all their rights was ftipulated for to our anceflors, as the confideration of their confent. The restoration of thofe Rights is therefore connected with the Revolution-fettlement of this kingdom. We are alfo told that these laws were enacted to "deprive the Roman Catholics of political power, in confequence of the many and great efforts made by them in fupport of their Popish King and French connections." When, where or efforts and great how, were thofe many made? From their number and their magnitude, thofe who fo confidently advance this affertion, cannot we prefume be at a lofs for an inftance-but we defy the malice of invention to produce one. Our forefathers never violated the Articles of Limerick. From the time that they confented to the Revolution in 1691, they never made any efforts either in fupport of a Popish King, or French connections, or of any other enemy to King William and his Succeffors-had they even done fo, the fault had been theirs why not the punishment theirs alfo? Or, is it intended to be infinuated to fellow fubjects who know our loyalty that we are anxious to have this Country "governed by an arbitrary and unconftitutional Popifh Tyrant, and dependant upon France," or that we do not defire "to enjoy the bleflings of a free Proteftant Government, a Proteftant Monarch limited by the Conflitution (as fettled by the Revolution) and an intimate connection with the free empire of Britain?" If we do, why is the law continued, after the reafon of enacting it has ceafed? We admit that from the moment the minds to the hope of Citizenship. But we were never would fatisfy us, and when that little We lament that it is not true," that the laft Seffion of Parliament left us in no wife different from our Protefiant fellow-fubjects, fave only in the exercife of political power." That affertion is falfified by the heavy code of Penal Laws ftill in force against us, many of which infringe on that fecurity of property and that perfonal liberty, which it is alledged we poffefs. But it is not power, it is protection we folicit. It is not power, including in it the notion of fuperiority-it is the equal enjoyment of our Kighs that we claim. The Corporation tell us that they will not be compelled by any authority whatto abandon that political fitua ever, tion which their forefathers won with their fwords, and which they have refolved with their lives and fortunes to maintain." Are we the feditious mea that would overawe the legiflature as our fellow-countrymen? No; our views are peaceable, and neither infult nor oppreffion fhall make us forget our loy alty. But wherefore this untimely threat? It wears the appearance o firft urging us to defpair by an eternal profcription, and then of throwing down the gauntlet of civil war. too have lives and fortunes, which we are ready to devote to the service of our country, whenever real danger fhall require it; but we will never degrade that laft and moft folemn act of patriotilm into an idle menace and an infolent bra vado. We The great queftion of our emancipa tion is now afloat, we have never fought to acquire it by force, and we hope for trek only from the wifdom of the legiflature, and affection of our Protellant brethren. But, We here folemly and publicly declare, that we never will, through any change of time or circumitance, lave the actual reitoration of our rights, defiit from the peaceable and lawful purfuit of the two great objects of our hopes--The right of elective franchife, and an equal jhare in the benefits of the trial by jury. The following extraordinary Advertisement apeared in a Lnuon print (the STAR) the 2:d Oct. As the parties are known to most of our readers, we think it acceptable to them to publish it: A perfon calling herfelf "Mrs. Holman, late Mifs hughes, courts the liberality of the public to patronize her pub lication of my unparalleled conduct towards her for the purpole of relieving her's and two infants diftrefs, left deftitute by my defertion."-Under fuch an accufation it is impoffible to be filent, for, could my profeflional efforts draw down applaufe the most unbounded, I fhould inrink from the plaudit beltowed, if, while the actor was commended, the man was condemned. That Mifs Hughes is my wife, I believe her own effrontery will not be daring enough to advance. That I never at any time hinted to her that the thould be fo, I moft folemnly affert; that I never at any period even called her Mrs. Holman, or gave any fanction for her being called fo, I likewite folemnly aver, and challenge the world to difprove. That I have two children by Mifs Hughes, is a truth; that thofe children. are left deftitute, is falfe; though to enable her to impofe on the public, and villify me, the has taken them from the moit eligible and honourable asylum I could devife for them—the protection of my own mother. Even on Mifs Hughes forcing them from a fituation. 1o delirable, have I left them deftitute? No. Unleis allowing her one guinea per week for their maintenance can be io called. Whatever diftrefs Mifs Hughes herfelf may experience, is imputable to her obftinacy alone. For on my determination to diffolve my connections with her, which, fetting afide confiderations of propriety, her horrible temper made compuliatory: I, through the medium of friends, who are ready to teitily my affertion, propofed for her provision and the children's (fhould the perfevere in keeping them) one hundred guineas a year. If the were willing to refign the children, the thould receive filly pounds a year folely for her own use, as long as her neceffities might require her to claim it, befide a fufficient fupply of money to relieve her temporary embarraffments, as far as would enable her to purfue her profeflion. This propofition was rejected with contempt. Her perverfenefs has not, however, prevented my attention to my children, for whofe fupport the has conftantly received the allowance already mentioned. Mifs Hughes has been fo confiftent in her accufations as to have afferted no one particle of truth in any of them; for that I have exerted influence to prevent her profeffional appearance in London, is equally untrue with the former, which the London Managers can give teftimony of, to whom, on the contrary, I have more than once recommended her. Thus has this lady devoted intereft, truth, and all female decency to the gratification of refentment, and compelled me to ex pofe her weakneffes; and, I am forry to add, my own folly, in having ever had any connection with her. From the malignity fhe has already tef tified, every annoyance in her power may be expected. Eut But what have I to fear-secure in zine. my own acquittal, in the approbation To the Editor of the Hibernian Maga and efteem of the friends I value, and I truft in the support of a public too difcerning to be mifled. For myself, there is nothing to be dreaded, but my childrens welfare demands a father's anxiety. I cannot confent to their remaining longer lo unfortunately fituated; they muit be reftored to more eligible protection. Except for the attainment of that point, as this is the laft time Mifs Hughes will ever receive from me public mention or private notice, it may not be improper to hint to her that my attentions to her intereft and exigencies, which may deferve fomething like the appellation of unparalleled conduct, have merited a different treatment; but I wifh not to prefs this too ftrongly on her recollection, left the confciouineis of ingratitude fhould occafion her fenfations of more anxiety than I ever with her to feel. I truft I have shewn enough to the public for the juftification of my conduct against any farther attack I may experience: therefore, whatever an inventive brain, fpurred on by revenge, may fabricate, I fhall henceforth treat with filent contempt, mingled with pity, that her talents fhould be perverted to fuch base uses. Mifs Hughes knows my mind too well to fear any thing from my refentment to her. But fome little is necefiary to be faid to perfons abetting and affitting in a threatened attack on my charac ter. To thofe, therefore, I give warning, that all the juftice the law's of my coun try allow for falfe and malicious attacks on reputation, fhall be claimed by me, with a tenaciouinefs which, not only regard to myself requires, but attention to the comfort and decorum of fociety actually demands. With the greateft regret, for the neceffity of intruding on their attention, and the fincerek reSpect, I remain the public's moft devoted obedient fervant, J. G. HOLMAN. O&. 17, 1792. SIR, YOU have doubtless obferved, in the the world, two characters equally oppofite, and equally difagreeable-I mean the over-fond, and the brutal hufband; the Fondle wife and the Crabtree of matrimony. I was in company the other evening, where thofe two characters met, and form'd fuch a ftriking contraft, as could not fail attracting the attention of all prefent. Mr. Fondlewife fat the whofe evening next his cara fpofa, and was inceffantly fqueezing her hand, and fay ing: "My angel, how do you do? my life, I fear you are not well: fhall I get you fome hartfhorn drops or fome falts? Come, my lamb, I think you look a little better;" then giving her a kits, "I hope you will recover," or "fhall I order you a chaife?" Such a fulfome dialogue, or rather foliloquy, with its accompaniments, was completely difgufting; but not quite fo infupportable as the behaviour of Mr. Crabtree, who fat directly oppofite in every fenfe to Mr. Fondlewife. When ever Mrs. Crabtree began to fpeak, he interrupted her with, "hold your tongue, you fool; don't expofe yourself." When the endeavoured to go on, in faying, "pray, Mr. Crabtree, give me leave to tell my ftory," he would immediately vociferate" Oh d-n fuch ftories as yours! they are all alike, and not worth liftening to." But, Mr. Crabtree, I don't want you to lif ten," he would reply; "I was speaking to this lady." "Was you?" faid Mr. Crabtree, "I am very forry for it; but that lady has too much fenfe to hearken to your nonfenfe." Then poor Mrs. Crabtree was filene ed, and her husband, as ufual, obtained his triumph. Such characters, I know, Sir, are of ten to be met with; but they are feldom fo completely contrafted in the fame groupe, which rendered this event the more remarkable, and made me con clude, clude, if the Fondlewives and the well any other time." Call again; O Crabtrees were not equally reprehenfible, I am bufy-it will do as well tothey were at leaft equally ridiculous. How naturally the judicious reader will draw the following conclufion: That the happy medium is to be moft devoutly aimed at, and that theinceffant ly fond fpoufe, and the perpetually fnarling fpoufe, fhould be held up as beacons to married men, to avoid Charibdis, and not fplit on Scylla. Fashionable Paris Dreffes for this Autumn, as worn by the most elegant Women. morrow, or any other time. Call a A Surtout or great coat of carmelite he can remember the article and price, fatin, or filk, ftriped with black, or full rofe and pistache, the collar falling on the fhoulders. White linen or muflin. petticoats, fcalloped at the bottom, without any flounce. Rofe coloured flippers. The hair, cet ftrait down the fides of the face, and over the forehead, with powder. The chignon low, and full. Small linen caps, put very low over the forehead, and fhort at the ears; very narrow borders of fine edging, the whole tied over with a fine half handkerchief, the corner hanging behind, the ends tied in a very fmall bow on the forehead: with a bunch of geranium or rofes. Fine muffin cravats worked in colours at the ends: or trimmed with rich lace. and charge it at any other time-he forgets makes miftakes-his books are itregularly kept they are difputed-kis adminiftrator has no proof but the books, and other people are alive to fwear to their accounts, or produce other evidence. Then begin law-fuits-and when law opens the door of litigation, poverty follows up clofe and enters with it.-Juries and arbitrators decide thefe difputes, upon vague uncertain evidence-and fomebody fuffers the lofs. So much for this any other time. The parfon puts off preparation for Sunday, from Monday to Tuesday, and from Tuesday to Wednesday, and fo on to Saturday. He can write a fermon at any time. The firft of the week flides away in vifits-in business-in amusements-the laft of the week is to be devoted to fludy-but company, a fick parishioner, and twenty unexpected avocations, break in upon this referved part of the weekno preparation is made for the duties of Sunday, until Saturday evening-a genius may yet be tolerably well prepared in a few hours-but how few are the preachers of fuch genius!-Yet even the dull have a refource-an old fermon with a new text is juft as good as a fresh made fermon-True, for who would know whether they had heard a fermon once or a dozen times! Happy dulnefs! like people, like priest! The doctor has a patient in a dangerous fituation-he hurries to his reliefhe makes no delay.-But fuppofe his patient has a lingering diforder-why, fays the doctor, I can vifit him at any |