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W A L K E R's

HIBERNIAN MAGAZINE:

OR,

Compendium of Entertaining Knowledge,

N O V EM BER,

For

1792.

Character of Mr. Edward Byrne, President of the Catholic

Committee.

(IVith an accurate Likeness, from an original Painting by

ROBINSON: TR. EDWARD BYRNE is lineals advised her to persevere. This letter by

ly descended from the Byrne's of some means, Mr. Toole poflessed himthe county Wicklow; and if an ances- self of, and commenced a fuit at law try eminently confpicuous in the field against the author, who, young though and in the cabinet, could add respecta- he was, fupported himself through the bility to the character of man, few in- fiery ordeal, with that manly composure dividuals can boast a more honourable which forms the most prominent featrain. Though his early days did not ture of his character. However it promise that height of affluence to thould be remembered, to the honour which he has since so happily arrived, of the late lord chancellor, that it was his father, nevertheless, ipared no ex- in a great measure owing to his liberapence on his education; and at a proper lity, in days less tolerant than the preage he was apprenticed to an eminent fent, that Mr. Byrne was indebted for merchant, a Mr. Toole. Before he had the termination of this vexatious fuit in completed the term of his apprentice- his favour. Mr. Byrne thortly aftership, his master, who had been a zea- wards commenced business in the merlous roman catholic, read his recanta- cantile line, and we may venture to tion, and endeavoured to influence Mr. affert that in the pursuit of fortune, no Byrne to follow his example; but from man has ever been so remarkably fucprinciple attached to the church of cessful in this country. Some idea may Rome, and considering the desertion of be formed of the extent of his coma suffering cause in a dishonourable mercial dealings, from the circumitance point of view, he ventured to expoftu- of his having paid duty at our customlate in the nervous language of a man. house for fome years past to the amount His observations wounded Mr. Toole's of from eighty to one hundred thousand pride, beyond his ideas of forgiveness, pounds fterling annually. and he immediately resolved to preclude The circumftance that has brought any intercourse between him and his this gentleman forward in the political family. Mr. Byrne however, appre- contest of the day, and which has in. hending it was Mr. Tóole's intention duced us to lay these sketches before our to force his family to conform, addressed readers, forms a most interesting quellia letter to Miss Toole, ftating, that on, the termination of which will in her father could not compel her to its consequences be of th- greatest imabandon her creed, in which he fpiritedly portance to this country, and form a Hib. Mag. Nov. 1792.

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The fate of the petition, with this change

. We the Catholics of the City of

remarkable epoch in its history.-The Declaration of the Roman Catholics of the
roman catholics availing themselves of City of Dublin, in Answer to the diffe-
the liberal complexion of the times, rent Resolutions of the Corporations and
resolved on foliciting the legislature for Grand-juries of the Kingdom of Ire-
a redrefs of certain grievances, Mr. land.
Byrne was naturally called on to lead

body
: WE

Dublin, have read with extreme nature, presented to parliament last concern, the resolutions of different bofession, is recent, we presume, in the dies of our protestant fellow-subjects in memory of our readers. Considered as . which they express their disapprobation ! the petition of a party, it was created of the conduct of our committee, and with contempt; particularly as petiti- their aversion to our claims of the elecons of an opposite nature were received tive franchise, and an equal participation at the same time from certain roman in the benefit of the trial by Jury. But catholics in Munfter and Leinster. To the address of the corporation of this do away any objections that might be city to the Protestants of Ireland, has ftarted next feflion on that head, as filled us moft peculiarly with mortificawell, we suppose, as to ascertain to tion and surprise; as Irishmen we are parliament the general sense of the astonished and grieved, that the firft corroman catholics of Ireland, Mr. Byrne poration of this kingdom should have as chairman of the catholic committee, put forth a publication, teeming with addressed circular letters to every pa- false principles of government, and rish in the kingdom, recommending the false statements of hiftoric facts; as election of delegates who might be in- catholics we lament that the fame body structed to deliver their sentiments at a should have misconceived and mistated general meeting of such delegates in the our conduct and our objects. metropolis.

We have read of what is called the In private life Mr. Byrne is univer- right of conqueft; it has also been callfally respected and esteemed. At his ed the right of robbery: but we did not table the antient hospitality of Ireland imagine that a doctrine so subversive of is daily realized in modern splendour. the peace and fettlement of fociety, and His charity is as unbounded as his ipfor- of the immutable rules of justice; that mation of misery will allow and ut a doctrine, which in its consequences fo terly destitute of that alloy-oftentation., completely warrants, and in its lanHis character, talents, and property, guage fo wantonly provokes Tefittance, conftitute him a moft eligible perfon to would be made the foundation of the lay the grievances of the roman catho- Protestant claims to the government of lics before government; and we consider this country. We did not expect that the great Itake he has in the country, a doctrine exploded in this illand by the

demonftration that he would Revolution of 1782, would be revived not become the leader of that bo- to our oppression. If conquest and the dy, were they intent on any other right of the sword could justify the appeal for their rights than that of a stronger in retaining dominion, why did peaceable and loyal petition to the le- Great Britain abdicate ber legislative giflature.

fupremacy over Ireland, or why were

we all, Protestants and Catholics, actre N o T

S. ated as one Man to relift lo legitimate

an authority? Is that monftrous and * See our Magazine for May, exploded principle ftill to be retained - Page 401 See alto debates in parlia- for our peculiar subjection, w'ich was ment on this petition, Page 457. felt to be false by every honeft man,

+ See our Magazine for September, when applied to the fubjection of his Page 270.

native land?

We are desired in that address to

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“ reft contented with the most perfect is only since the year 1727, that Protoleration of our religion, the fullest testanitfm has been the religion of the security of our property, and the most state in Ireland ?--If by establishment complete personal liberty." They are be meant the government of the country, great and important blessings, but they it is equally ill-founded; that is inftiare not secure to any man who is a flave. tuted for the freedom and happiness of They are held but by fufferance, by the governed; and yet this address would thofe who are taxed without their con- imply, that procuring freedom and hapfent, and legillated for without being 'piness for 3-4ths of this kingdom would reprefented.

cause the utter ruin of our government. We agree with the Corporation in A greater libel against the constitution the spirit of one assertion, they "know of Ireland was never uttered by its most of no power under Heaven authorised to declared enemy.-It is fufficiently capaalienate this their most valuable inheri- cious to give liberty to every man; and tance." Let our claims be tried by the the more its base is widened and its bleftfame principle. The Catholics were ings diffused, the more will it be fortithe conftituents of the very parliament, 'fied against the efforts of time and defv:hich deprived them of their franchife, potilm. Nor does experience warrant and thereby did indeed " alienate their ihe assertion. Our loss of the right of “ most valuable inheritance;" and citizenship is comparatively modern; though we have acquiefced under that and the government of this country neiunjuft deprivation for fixiy-five years, ther required nor gained any accesion of and though we will continue to acquiesce, strength by our flavery. That was efso long as the statute stands in its present fected in a time of profound tranquilliform, we mus ftill declare, as a politi- ty, after the uninterrupted loyalty and tical truth, that no elected and delegat- praceable demeanour of our ancestors ed legillature has a right to disfranchise had been experienced and acknowledged its electors and delegators, who never for thirty-fix years from the capitulation entrufted their power to that body for of Limerick. The causes that induced the purpose of being made the inftru- this

law are now almost forgotten; but mert of its own destruction. And we if tradition is to be believed, where hisfurther say, that in our judgment, not tory is filent, it was enacted to satisfy even those electors could empower their court intrigue, not public security; to representatives to enslave us, their pofte- change the balance of power between rity.

Proteftant families in two or three counWe are likewise told by the Corpora- ties of this kingdom, not to give any intion, that "experience has taught them, crease of power to the protestants at large. that without the ruin of the Protestantei It is suggested in that Address, that tablishment, the catholic cannot be allow the revolution was established in Ireland ed the finalleit influence in the state.”, by force, or as it is prophanely called by The inclinations of our body are not to "an Appeal to Heaven.” The Revofubvert any eftablishment in this country; lution in England, derived all its glory if they were, we are not competent 10 and its stability from this great iruthfo absurd a project: and no ftrength that it was effected by the people's will. that we might derive from the restorati Does the Revolution in Ireland stand on

our rights would enable us to ef a different foundation ? Is it supported tect it, while the king, the house of by a principle directly the reverse of lords, the Irish privy council

, the English that which rendered the Revolution in privy council

, and the chancellors of England the admiration of the world? both countries are unalterably proteftant. No; it is not so ; we will not concur in -If by establishment be meant religi- calunniating that great event, that ons cous establishment, we muft further re anceftors may alfo be calumniated. The ply, that no experience has caught them Revolution in Ireland was not compleatto; the Proteitant religion was domi ed by the battles of the Boyne or Aughpant in this country, long before or riin; but by the articles of Limerick. ancestors lost their elective franchise. It It was coniented to by all, I'roteitants

C ¢¢ 2

on of

and Catholicks. The consent of the would fatisfy us, and when that little Catholics was obtained by a compact as was granted, of claiming more. Our own folemnly rat, fied and as speedily broken, attention, as well as that of our Proas any in the records of history. By teftant fellow-subjects, was directed to that compact, the enjoyment of all their the most immediate and most practicable rights was ftipulated for to our ancefiors, redress.-We did not embarrass the as the consideration of their consent. n.eature by remote and extraneous conThe restoration of those Rights is there- fiderations, but we never did either in fore connected with the Revolution-set- word or thought, and we never will firetlement of this kingdom.

go our hopes of Emancipation. Freer.ca We are also told that these law's were would not believe us, if we said that we enacted to “deprive the Roman Catho- should be induced by any, comparaurel lics of political power, in consequence small alleviation of our grievances, to of the many and great efforts made by consent to perpetual Navery. them in support of their Popish King and We lament that it is not true, "tha: French connections.” When, where or the laft Seffion of Parliament left us is how, were those many and great efforts no wile different from our Protefiast made? From their number and their fellow-lubjects, fave only in the exercile magnitude, those who fo confidently ad- of political power.” That asseruun is vance this assertion, cannot we presume falsified by the heavy code of Pela! be at a loss for an instance—but we de- Laws still in force against us, many fy the malice of invention to produce which infringe on that fecurity of proone. Our frefathers never viclated the perty and that personal liberty, which is Articles of Limerick. From the time is alledged we possess. But it is to that they confented to the Revolution in power, it is protection we folicit. It is 1691, they never made any efforts either not power, including in it the notivno in support of a Popish King, or French superiority—it is the equal enjoymente connections, or of any other enemy to our kigh is that we claim. King William and his Successors-had The Corporation tell us that they mi they even done fo, the fault had been not be compelled by any authority was theirs--why not the punishment theirs ever, " to abandon that political fitte also ? Or, is it intended to be infinu- tion which their forefathers won will, ated to fellow subjects who know our their swords, and which they have me loyalty that we are anxious to have this folved with their lives and fortunes in Country "governed by an arbitrary and maintain.” Are we the legitivus med unconftitutional Popish Tyrant, and de- that would overawe the legislature a pendant upon France," or that we do our fellow-countrymen? No; our richi nct desire "to enjoy the blessings of a free are peaceable, and neither insult Protestant Government, a Protefiant oppreilion shall make us forget our los Monarch limited by the Confitution (as alty. But wherefore this untime settled by the Revolution) and an inti- threat? It wears the appearance of mate connection with the free empire of first urging us to despair by an eternal Britain ?" If we do, why is the law proscription, and then of throwing continued, afier the reason of enacting down ihe gauntlet of civil war. it has ceased?

too have lives and fortunes, which ** We admit that from the moment the are ready to devote to the fervice of out! Protestant began to make conceflions, the country, whenever real danger shall re Roman Catholic began to extend his quire it; but we will never degrade that claims. The first kindness of our Pro- latt and most folemn act of patrivula teilant Brethren shewed a returning spirit into an idle menace and an insolent braof liberality and affeélion. Before that vado. time we were not fo rafh as to raise our The great question of our emancipa minds to the hope of Citizenship. But tion is now afloat, we have never fought we were never guilty of the deceit im- to acquire it by force, and we hope tor puted to us, of declaring that a little it now only from the wisdom of the

legislature,

1

are

on the

legislature, and affection of our Pro- Hughes, is a truth; that those children teltaat brethren. But, We here fo lett deltitite, is falle; though lemuiy and publicly declare, that we to enable her to impofe on the public, never will, through any change of time and villity me, the has taken them from or circumstance, idve the actuai reitora- the moit eligible and honourable asylum tion of our rights, ueliit from the peace- I could devile for them--the protecable and laulut pursuit of the two great tion of my own mother. Even on Miss objects of our hopes. The right of Hughes forcing them from a situation elecii ve franchise, ana an equal joure in to delirable, have I left them delticute? the benefits of ine trial by jury. No. Unleis allowing her one guinea

per week for their maintenance can be The following extraordinary Advertise- io called. ment ap tared in a L nuon print (the Whatever distress Miss Hughes herstar) ene 22d Oct. A. the parties are self may experience, is imputable to her known 10 moji of our reuders, we think obitinacy alone. For on my determinait acceptable to them to publish it : tion to dissolve my connections with her,

which, setting alide considerations of propriety, her horrible temper made

compullatory: I, through the mediuin Mr. Holman-To the Public. of friends, who are ready to tertiiy my

affertion, proposed for her provision A

Most malignant attack, in the and the children's (should the persevere

form of an advertisement, having in keeping them) one hundred guineas been made on my character, will, I a year. If the were willing to resign hope, justify my presuming to trespass the children, the thould receive filly

palence of the public, by a men- pounds a year folely for her own use, tion of private circumstances relative to as long as her necessities might require an individual of so little importance as her to claim it, beside a sufficient lupmyself. Anxious for general aj proba- ply of money to relieve her temporary tion, I cannot brook filently an attack embarrailments, as far as would enable tending to annihilate the elicem it is my her to pursue her profesiion. This proambition to deterve.

pofition was rejected with contempt. A person calling herself " Mrs. Hol. Her perverleneis has not, however, man, late Miis liuyhes, courts the libe- prevented my attention to my children, Tality of the public tv patronize her pub- for whose support she has conitantly licacion of my unparalleled conduct received the allowance already mentov ards her for the purpole of relieving tioned. her's and two infinis ditreis, leti desti Miss Hughes has been so consistentin iule by my desertion.”—Under such an her accusations as to have afierted no accutation it is impoflible to be filent, one particle of truth in any of them ; for, could my profcilional efforts draw for that I have exerted influence to predown applause the must unbounded, I vent her protestional appearance in Lonfhould inrink írom the plaudit beltow- don, is equally untrue with the former, ed, if, while the acior was commended, which the London Managers can give the man was condemned.

testimony of, to whom, on the contrary, That Miss Hughes is my wife, I be- I have more than once recommended lieve her own effrontery will noi be dar- her. ing enough to advance. That I never Thus has this lady devoted intereit, at any dime hinted to her that the thould truth, and all female decency to the grabe fo, I moit folemnly aftert; that I ne- tification of retentment, and compelled ver at any period even called her Mrs. me to. e pose her weaknesses; and, I Holman, or gave any fanction for her am sorry to 'add, my own folly, in hava being calledo 1o, I likenile folemnly ing ever had any connection with her. aver, and challenge the world to dit. From the malignity he has already tel. prove.

tified, every annoyance in her power may That I have two children by Miss be expected.

Put

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