Affairs of France. (Continued from our laft, page 205.)

ΤΗ

HIS proclamation, whatever effect it may have in exciting the people to arm against the open invaders of their country, did not lull them into confidence and fecurity with refpect to what they deemed the secret machinations of the cabinet of the Thuilleries, which, they still infifted, was acting in concert with thofe of Coblentz and Vienna. In the national affembly, on the 26th of July, M. Guadet, from the commiffion of twelve, prefented the draught of an addrefs to the king, as a last effort to bring him to a juft fenfe of his duty, by a confideration of his ⚫wn and the public danger. This addrefs reprefented the protection he had always given to the emigrants, among whom were his relations and his fervants; that the feditious clergy, and all the confpirators against the ftate, boafted of acting under his direction; that the wives and children of the rebels compofed his court: that his houfe was become a fortrefs inacceffible to the people, and filled with perfons who were enemies to liberty, or had bafely betrayed it; that his ministers, who ought to be men of tried patriotism, were always men of fufpected principles, or equivocal conduct; that he complained of the people's want of confidence, and had done nothing to remove their jealoufy; that he reckoned on their divifione, but ought to recollect that, when an empire is menaced by foreign enemies, all divifions will ceafe, except that between citizens and traitors; and finally, that the people who pardon fo much, have never pardoned kings an attempt to bring them under a foreign yoke.

This addrefs was oppofed by one part of the affembly as an indecent accufation unfupported by proof, and by the other as nugatory. Mr. Briffot endeavoured to fhew that it was an effential and preparatory measure to the other grand measures which the affembly was called upon to adopt. It would prove that the affembly had tried every gentle measure; its want of fuccefs would convince the nation of the true difpofition of the king; and gain its affent to a decree of forfiture. It would not preclude other measures, and he propofed two as equally urgent and important.

If the king were culpable, he must be tried and condemned, but not with precipitation. Precipitation would alienate a great part of the nation, and perhaps, take from the fentence the fuffrage of the majority, without which, the affembly could not fupport itself. He therefore moved, that the extraordinary commition fhould be directed, in preference to all other bufinels, to collect all the proofs of the king's having incurred the penalty of forfeiture, and report them to the affembly. He came next to examine the diffe rent propofitions lately agitated, for sufpending the king, for appointing a dictaturate, and for convoking the primary affemblies, in order to take their opinion on reforming the conftitution. Of ach of thefe he difapproved as highly dangerous; and propofed that an addrefs to the people thould prepared, to warn them againt believing that

any fuch were in contemplation, or fit to be adopted.-M. Briffot's motions, were both agreed to, in preference to the addrefs propofed by M. Guadet.

On the ift of Auguft, the prefident faid he had received a printed paper, entitled, The declaretion of his ferene highness the reigning dake of Brunswick and Lunenburgh, commander of the combined armies of their majefties the emperer and the king of Prussia, addressed to the inhabitants of France.'-M. Belgarde moved, that it fhould be made into cartridges; and the affembly paffed to the order of the day-For this declaration, fee page 316.

On the 3d of Auguft, the king fent the following letter to the national affembly.

Auguft 3d, Fourth Year of Liberty.
Mr. President,

For feveral days a paper has been circulated, entitled, The declaration of the reigning duke of Brunswick Lunenburgh, commander of the combined armies of their majefties the emperor and the king of Pruflia, addreffed to the inhabitants of France. This paper exhibits nothing that can be confidered as a proof of its authenticity. It has not been tranfmitted by any of mỹ minifters at the feveral courts of Germany ner our frontiers. The publication of it nevertheless feems to me to require a new declaration of my fentiments and my principles..

France is menaced by a great combination of forces. Let us all recollect the neceflity of usi

on.

Calumny will not easily believe the forro I feel in confidering the diffenfions that exit among us, and the evils gathering round us; but thofe who know of what value in my eyes are the blood and the fortune of the people, will give credit to my uneafinefs and my grief.

I brought with me pacific fentiments to the throne, becaufe peace, the firft bleifing of nations, is the firft duty of kings. My former minifters know what efforts I have made to avoid war. felt how neceffary was peace; it alone could enlighten the nation on the new form of her government; it alone, by fparing the fufferings of the people, could make me fupport the character i undertook in this fevolution. But I yielded na the unanimous opinion cf my council, to the wish manifested by a great part of the nation, and feveral times expreffed by the national affembly.

When war was declared, I neglected none of the means of affuring its fuccefs. My ministers received orders to concert measures with the committees of the national affembly and with the generals. If the event has not yet answered the hopes of the nation, ought we not to lay the blime on our inteftine divifions, the progrefs a: the fpirit of party, and, above all, on the ftate of our armies, which wanted to be more practifed in the use of arms before being led to combat? But the nation fhall fee my efforts encreafe with thofe of the hoftile powers; I tha take, in concert with the national affembly, al means to turn the evils intep rable from war, to the advantage of her liberty and her glory.

I have accepted the conftitution; the majori ty of the nation defired it; I saw that the nation

confidered

confide: as the foundation of her happiness, and her happiness is the fole obj. &t of my life. From that moment, I impofed it as a law upon my felf, to be faithful to the constitution; and I gave orders to my minifters, to make it the rule of their conduct. I wished not to fubititute my knowledge for experience, nor my opinion for my eath. It was my duty to labour for the good of the people; I have difcharged that duty, and to have done fo, is enough to fitisfy the confcience of an honest man. Never fhall I be feen compounding the glory or the interefts of the nation; receiving the law from foreigners, or from a party: it is to the nation that I owe myself; I am one and the fame with her; no intereft fhail feparate me from her; he alone fhall be listened to; I will maintain the national independence with my last breath. Perfonal dangers, compared with public dangers, are nothing. Ah! what are personal dangers to a king from whom it is attempted to alienate the love of the people? There lies the real wound of my heart. The people, perhaps, will one day know how dear to me is their happiness, how much it has always been my fole intereft, my first with. How many griefs might be effaced by the flightest mark of its return!

Several members required that the king's letter should be printed, and fent to the eighty-three departments. On this motion, the previous queftion was cailed for. M. Ifnard having, with difficulty, obtained a hearing, faid, that the king's letter was only a heap of falsehoods.

M. Thuriot faid, that the king had written this letter, merely because he knew that the municipality of Paris were going to demand his depofition. The propofal of printing the letter was rejected.

The envoys of the commonalty of Paris, with M. Petion at their head, appeared at the bar, and M. Petion demanded, in the name of the forty-eight fections, that the king fhould be excluded from the throne, and that the management of affairs, during the interregnum, fhould be entrusted to refponible minifters, until the election of a new king in a national convention.

M. Petion fupported his petition by exhibiting a view of the king's conduct fince the revolution. He has always, faid he, fhewn himself an enemy to the people, an enemy to the new laws, and an enemy to France.'

This excited a violent agitation in the affembly. Several members defired to be heard, but the tumult rendered it impoffible, and the prefident put an end to the fitting, wit, out any vote being come to upon it. In the evening fitting, feveral members moved, that the addrefs prefented by M. Petion in the morning from the forty-eight fections of Paris, fhould be printed, which was ordered, and the following Thurfday was fixed by the affembly for determining the important queftion refpecting the depofition of the king,

On the 7th of Angult the king Mued a long

proclamation, intended to diffipate the ftorm, which, in every part of the city, now feemed rea dy to burst.

On Wednesday the 8th, M. Jean Debry reporte from the extraordinary commiffion on the charges against M. la Fayette, and concluded with propofing a decree of accufation. M. Paftoret faid, that of fifteen members prefent, when this report was voted by the extraordinary commiffion, eight were for it and feven against it. M. Vaublanc spoke with great effe&t in defence of la Fayette. On the question being put, a great majority appeared against the decree of accufation; the minority infifted on a divifion, and the names were called over, when the numbers were,

For the accufation 224 Against it 406

Majority for la Fayette 182

On Thursday, Aug. 9, M. Condorcet, in the name of the extraordinary commiflion, itated the various confiderations connected with the grand question of

THE KING's FORFEITURE.

You have, he faid,' referred to the extraordinary commiflion a peti ion, prefented in the name of the commonalty of Paris, refpecting the forfeiture of the king; and, in fo doing, you have entrusted to it the examination of one of thofe difficult and dangerous queftions, the determination of which may have a great influence over the fate of the prefent generation, as well as over that of pofterity. Your commiflion, therefore, would not have thought that they difcharged their duty, had they not turned their attention to every thing that ought to precede this meature.

The conftitution in no article fpeaks of the forfeiture of the king, though it mentions feveral cafes where he may be thought to have abdicated; but the accufation here is the violation of an oath, and the keeping up a correfpondence with our enemies, of which you must have proofs, and then you will be enabled to país judgment. Various events may prevent miniiters from continuing to difcharge their functions, and it becomes neceffary, in cafe fuch circumstances fhould happen, to devife fome means of preferving the confidence of the people. If you think the public fafety in danger, ought you not to remind the people of their rights and interefts? Are you not of opinion that the nation ought to breathe forth its withes? Or ought you no: rather to confine yourselves to giving the people instruction?

If a national judgment is called for, and if it is neceffary to wait for it, would you leave to the executive power the exercife of its functions? Does not the imperious law of public fafety impofe on you at prefent the neceflity of purfuing proper meafures? Can thefe measures be fufficient? At any rate, your decifion, whatever fide of the queftion you adopt, will inflame the paflions of the multitude, and the public tranquillity will of courfe be endangered.

You ought, therefore, to negle&t nothing that may tend to preferve peace and harmony. You are fully fenfible of the importance of the

queftior.

queftion. Befide other measures, it will be neceffary to organize an executive power, which may not be capable of doing any hurt, and which may at the fame time preferve the independence of the national affembly. Whatever plan you may adopt, you will be accused of having violated the conftitution. You are forced to fteer between the boundaries of your own powers and the violation of rights. You ought to confine yourfelves within the limits of the law. Your committee will not present a complete plan of the measures to be purfued in fuch circumftances. We are fully fenfible how preffing the dangers of the country are; but too much precipitation might ruin it, and measures badly combined might not be fufficient. You ought to run every risk to fave your country, but remove from danger every thing you can. May this difcuffion tend to enlighten the people, whom evil-minded perfons endeavour to mislead. Your committee will take advantage of the lights which may refult, from it; they will at prefent recommend to you only one measure, which is, to publish an instruction to the people on the mode of exercifing the right of fovereignty, in order to put them on their guard against the trors into which they may be precipitated.'

M. Petion now appeared at the bar. He faid, he came to receive the decree which the affembly had paffed for preferving the public peace: hitherto it had been preserved; but a rumour having been spread that a plot was formed for carrying off the king, the people, as if actuated by one fpirit, had all bent their way towards the Thuilleries, to prevent his being carried away; and for that purpose, a certain number of citizens, from each battalion of the national guard, were ordered to do duty at the palace. Two bodies were stationed, one at the Carousel, and the other at the Place de Louis XV. He believed, therefore, that the perfon of the king was in fafety. M. Petion concluded, by recommending to the affembly to purfue lenient and perfuafive measures with the enraged populace, as the most likely means to prevent exceffes, the people being armed and ready to refift any coercive measures that might be adopted against them.

The affembly, confidering the prefent dangerous fituation of the capital, decreed, That, till arder be restored, they should be a permanent fitting.

At one on Friday morning the roth, the alarm was rung, and the generale beat to arms all over the capital The majority of all the fections voted, that in a time of infurrection the council and municipality might impede the deliberations of the people they declared that they were diffolved, M. Petion and M. Manuel excepted; the fixteen adminiftrators of the police were preferved; the etat major of the national guard broke, and M. Santerre named commandant-general in his place.

The mayor, who had been ordered to the palace, was detained on account of the fears entertained for the fafety of the 1oyal family. The police officers, and fome of the new elected municipal officers, expreffed their fears for the fafety of the At two in the morning a decree of the

or.

national affembly ordered him to the bar, and gave him leave to pursue his functions for the fafety of the capital. In the mean time, M. Maudart, the commander of the national guard, was arrested, and the municipality ordered him to be committed to prifon.

Going down the staircase of the Hotel de a Ville, he was feized by the people, beheaded, his head fixed upon a pole, and thus carried through the streets. A falfe patrole, about fix o'clock, was stopped in the Champs Elysées; they were committed to the Corps des Garde des Feuillans, where, notwithstanding the interference of the national affembly, they were feized by the people, who forced the guard at nine o'clock, and, after holding a fummary trial, they condemned fix of them to have their heads fevered from their bodies, which was done immediately.

By eleven o'clock, the people were collected in thousands about the Thuilleries. The canzon were pointed upon the palace, and the Swis guards commenced a fire upon the people, who were entering by the doors. The action became general; the king and royal family had previous ly repaired for fhelter to the national affembly. In about an hour, not one Swifs was left. Ninety-five, who furvived their colonel, and general M. D'Affry, demanded quarter, but they were condemned to the Place de Greve, and there put to death. About 300 of the Marseillois have alfo fallen, as they were the first in the action, and near a thousand citizens, as well national guards as others, have perished, among which are feveral women and children, whom curiofity had led toward the scene of action.

All the Swifs, above 500, were put to death, and the people carried the remnants of their clothes on the ends of their pikes in triumph; the pavillions of the palace near the Place de Caroufel, were afterward fet on fire, as well as the Swifs barracks.

The maids of honour in the palace were conducted to the fection: the reft of the perfons on duty were put to death: the wine-cellars were alone plundered! The jewels, plate, &c. were brought to the affembly, and depofited in fafety.

Toward fix in the evening, foveral of the Swifs at the barracks of Courbevoye were o their march to the capital, to affift their compani ons, but were put to flight by the people, who at tacked them, and numbers of them were killed. At night the town was illuminated, and the pa trole being immenfe, no mifchief enfued.

The king and the royal family remained at the national affembly, and at the adjoining houfe of M. Camus, the keeper of the records, the whole night.

On Friday, the aflembly decreed, that the executive power was withdrawn from the king, and that for the prefent the government should be entruffed to minifters of their nomination : that the king fhould be lodged in fome place of fafety, and the civil lift no longer continued that the primary affemblies fhould be conv ned for the 26th inftant, in order to appoint a national conveation to meet at Paris on the 20th of Septembe, to decide ultimately upon the forfeiture of the crown.

The royal family were removed on Monday to

(To be continued.)

Account of a new Work, entitled, The Hiftory of Political Transactions and of Parties, from the Reftoration of King Charles the Second to the Death of King William. By Thomas Somerville, D. D.

H

ISTORY, among the moderns, was long little elfe than a dry and tedious chronicie of events. In our country Hume and Robertfon had the merit of blending political refearches and philofophical reflections with a judicious felection of facts. Succeeding hiftorians, by treading in their fteps, have jufly rifen to fame. Ancient records and documents have been fearched with care, and many curious circumstances have been brought to light. From materials dug out of the ruins of former times, monuments of human genius and induftry have been erected, which promife to ftand the teft of ages.

Two important eras in the annals of Britain have attracted the attention of our hiftorians. Robertfoa's Hiftory of Scotland, from the commencement of Mary's reign to her fon's acceffion to the throne of England, has drawn upon him many formidable antagonists, and occafi ned an accurate investigation of the principal occurrences in both kingdoms during that dark period. The publication of private correfpondence and ftate papers, by fir J. Dalrymple and Mr. Macpherfon, has difclofed a new view of our history from the reftorat on of king Charles the Second to the death of queen Anne. Of these two periods the Catter is the most interesting, not only as coming .nearer to our own times, but as producing a memorable revolution in the government and laws of Britain. The authors, however, who have profefledly written upon it,and who.e industry has difcovered fo many useful materials, by dwelling chiefly en - naval and military affairs, parliamentary debates, and the cabals of faction, and by pushing political enquiries no farther than was barely neceffary to illustrate public tranfactions, have not availed themselves fo fully as they might have done of the information which they obtained: they have feen fome objects with a partial eye, and have, in a great meafure, overlooked one of the moft prominent features in the history of the times. The origin of a stated oppofition to the court, is no where accurately marked; and the progrefs of it is no where diftinctly detailed. The measures which individuals purfued in the cabinet, in the fenate, in intrigues, and in negociations, are not always accounted for in a rational and fatisfactory manner; nor are fufficient motives affigned for their various inconfiftencies, and frequent change of political principles, Juftly as thefe gentlemen are intitled to praise for opening a new field in the province of hiftory, they have not fo wholly occupied it as to exclude the labours of others, Hor brought it to fuch a high state of cultivation as to admit of no farther improvement.

It may be alfo remarked, that although we have general hiftories of various periods, comprehending tranfactions of every denomination, and par

ons, fuch as military memoirs, a naval, and even a parliamentary hiftory, &c. yet an account of tranfactions wholly political, in an historical form, has never hitherto been attempted in Britain. The author of the work before us has, therefore, the merit of being the firft who entered into this untried path, as well as of felecting a period for the fubject of his inveftigation, which cannot fail to attract public attention.

In the introduction he obferves, that political caufes contributed more than any other to the accomplishment and stability of the revolution-that they may be rendered more inftructive and interefting by being placed in a detached view; and that he relates co-inci'ent events, principally to explain and illuftrate them. And he propoles to review the two preceding reigns, in order to give a true account of fuch tranfactions during the reign of William.

Agreeably to this plan, he begins with a fummary abridgment of events, from the beginning of the reign of Charles the second to the defection of Shaftesbury from the cabal, and his fyftematic oppofition in parliament to the favourite measures of the king. The character of that verfatile ftatefman is well drawn, and happily illuftrated in the fequel. At this noted epoch the history dilates; and, in proportion as political tranfactions thicken and become more important, the detail and investigation of them are judicioufly extended. The fecond chapter brings down the narrative to the conclufion of the fecond parliament of Charles, remarkable for having completed its eighteenth feffion. The character of this parliament is delineated with fidelity and temper, but is too long for infertion. In chapter the third the hiftory is continued to the year 1681, when the fifch parliament, which met at Oxford, was diffolved: and chapter the fourth, contains reflections on the caufes which, in the courfe of twenty years, changed the temper of the nation from loyalty to difaffection. Six causes are enumerated and illuftrated, always with ingenuity, fometimes with eloquence, and generally with fhrewanefs and judgment. They are,-Firft, The oppreffive government of Scotland.-Secondly, Licentioufnefs in converfation and writing, which our author refolves into freedom of fpeech, the liberty of the prefs, and the inftitution of clubs.

Thirdly, the dependent ftate of the crown, especially in refpect of revenue. -Fourthly, The inftability of the king, and the oppofite principles, and confequent difunion of his ministers.Fifthly, The abilities and influence of perfons engaged in oppofition from principle and interested motives.-And, Sixthly, The intrigues of France. Under the first of thefe caufes the reader will find a note on the different effects of the restoration on England and Scotland, which deferves his attentive perufal.

During this period, from the extinction of the cabal to the difufe of parliaments, the teft act, the popish plot, and the bill of exclufion, occupy a distinguished place. Over each of them hangs more or less a veil of mystery, which no research has hitherto been able completely to remove. S. pretends not to offer any thing new on these

Dr.

controverted

geance against all who were fufpected of favouring that religion."

It is a curious and memorable circumftance, that an act, which thut the door of preferment against the protestant diffenters, and doomed them to the fame political incapacity with Roman catholics, not only paffed without any oppofition from the former; but, that it was promoted by the most refpectable leaders of their party.

"This conceffion of the proteftant diffenters has been often applauded by their friends, as a fingular example of prudence and generolity; because they facrificed their rights and fentiments to the dread of impending popery, and the fecurity of the reformed religion. Their conduct pon this occafion, whether examined by the rules of probity, or the dictates of enlightened charity, will be found deferving of explicit and marked expreflions of condemnation. Profeffing to guard against popery, did not the d fenters act under the influence of its worst principles? Did they not abandon their rights as men and as chriftians? rights, the renunciation of which, for a fingle day, no fear of danger, nor prospect of future peace, can juftify, at the tribunal of confcience.

"The event of Providence has inftructed us, by this and every fimilar experiment, to reprobate the imprudence as well as the immorality of that maxim, that it is lawful to do evil, when good may be obtained by it. A bill brought in for the relief of the proteftant diffenters, as the reward of their confent to the test act, was defeated by the difagreement of the two houfes, and the adjournment of parliament. And thus, the temporizing fpirit of the Diffenters has tranfmitted bondage to their pofterity, which the liberality of the age in which we live never could have impofed; but from which even that liberality is not adequate to emancipate them, while it is counteracted by religious bigotry, and the timid policy of thofe who difpenfe the favours of govern

ment."

From the concluding claufe our author feums to be no enthufiaftic admirer of minifters who favour the continuance of the test act.

Concerning the popiff. plot he obferves, "Every paffion in excefs invades the province of the understanding, and has an immediate tendency to mislead opinion, and pervert judgment. But there occurs rot, in the annals of any nation, a more striking example of the influence of terror, in fupplying the maft palpable deficiency of evi dence, and over-powering the dictates of humanity, than the precipitancy and the violence with which all parties in England entered into the meafures we are now geing to recite. An account of a piot to affaffinate the king, and to introduce the roman catholic religion, though bearing in the fice of it circunftances the most improbable and contradifory, and attefted by men of the most prodigate charade, obtained univerful credit, and touted a flat of fury and implacable ven

And, after briefly ftating the unwarrantable procedure of both houfes against such as fell under their fufpicion, he adds,

"The direful effects of thefe meafures it is painful to recollect. Allured by the prospect of confequence and of reward, informers crowded from every quarter: judges and juries, infected with the predominant credulity and panic of the nation, admitted guilt, and fhed the blood of their fellow-citizens, upon evidence which, in a more difpaffionate period, would not have been deemed to justify any fentence affe&ting property or character in the most trifling degree. The grea body of the people, agitated by terror, and dupci by an implicit confidence in their factitious leaders, delighted for a feafon in fanguinary and oppreffive deeds. Real dangers may excite imaginary mi exaggerated fears may be pleaded as an apology for rash and extreme feverity; but the man of fishbility will recoil with horror from (cenes which exhibit the most defperate outrage of bigotry, and the moft diftorted features of human nature. The patriot who feels for the honour of his country, will with that tranfactions, which imprint an indelible stain upon the wifdom and integrity of his ancestors, were erafed from the page of history”.”

NOT E.

The

*«The existence of a popish plot certainly ap pears questionable, when the following confiderstions are attended to:

"Ift, The infamous charakter of the wife, the inconfiftency and contradiction of the falls ledged, and the notorious perjury detected in the course of the evidence. See North's Examen, f. 176. 9.—Somers' Col. val. vii. p. 361. 405.—L of James, 1677, 81. 83.—Salmon's Modern H§. vel. xxiii.-Life of the Duke of Ormond, vai i p. 513.-Burnet, 1698.

2dly, The plot often changed its Chape. The account given of it in the parlament was difunt from that which had been delivered to the pric council, and the evidence adduced in the trial of individuals before the judges differed from bath Samers' Col. vol. i. p. 44. Some of the wares of parliament, particularly that which related to the innocence of the queen, involved the perjury of Oates and Eelse. Journ. Com. paffim.

"3dly, The vehement and invariable praetations of innocence made by all who juffered u account of the plot, is a circumflance entitled to great weight, when connected with the show objervations. Nor will the universal credit givm to the rumour of the plot, and the real with wudicé it was projecuted, appear wracesuntable, woken the peculiar circumflances of the times are attentonly confidered.

"sit, The deep horror of the people of Eng land at popery, awakened and heightened by the duke of Yerk's canverfion to that religions prepared them to Iften with devouring credulity to every tale of danger arising from that furce. They. covery of the correspondence of Charles with France, and his attachment to bet intereft, always combined