man affairs; but both the father and mother of our hero departed this life within a month of each other, when he had little more than attained his twenty-fecond year. Whether young Mordaunt wept upon this melancholy occafion, we have received no certain information; but we may venture to conclude, that, if any liquid drops efcaped his eye-lids, they were tears of joy. No fooner had he caufed the folemn offices to be performed, than he took the neceffary fteps to make himself the legal owner of the immense property of his father, to which he had an hereditary claim. Though he was now rich beyond his expectations, and had more than fufficient to enable him to live in luxury and fplendor, he adhered to his fyftem of frugality in an obfcure corner te metropolis; living upon hon fare, and contenting himself with cheap apart ments on an upper ftory. Thus circumftanced, it might appear ftrange that he fhould double his fortune by a fpeedy marriage, but he fuccefsfully paid his addreffes to a young lady, whofe father was acquainted with his circumftances and difpofition, and who not only approved of him for a fon-in-law, but gave him a liberal portion with his daughter. Our hero now thought it incumbent on him to appear a little in the ftyle and character of a gentleman, but it was much against his inclination: he would, indeed, have reaffumed his former obfcurity and meannefs, but the lady could not be prevailed on to confent to it. It is remarkable that a man fo great ly attached to money, fhould give himfelf much concern about any thing elfe: Mordaunt was, however, a fingular inftance. After having lived upwards of fifteen years in the connubial ftate, he received an infult from a gentleman in his neighbourhood, which he never would forgive, and was determined to refent. Ruminating on what he thought would moft effectually gratify his revenge, by inflicting the keeneft tortures on Mr. P—————————n, he refolved, if poffible, to eftrange Mrs. P's affections from her hulband, who adored her, and in the end feduce her. Having little or no regard for his wife, he felt no fcruples of confcience on that fcore, and refolutely entered upon his plan of revenge. His perfon was not very alluring, but his addrefs was fomewhat infinuating, and, after a few ftolen vifits in the abfence of her husband, he flattered himfelf with the hopes of fucceeding in his enterprife. Perfeverance brough forth a confirmation of his hopes; the lady yielded-the hufband grew diftracted and our hero was revenged. As Mordaunt had nothing in view but the gratification of his revenge, the frail object of his pretended ardour had no repetition of his vifits. He had done more than enough to retaliate the trifling infult he had received from Mr. P-n. To fting the injured hufband in the extreme, he even boafted of the deed he had done, and, upon this occafion, gloried in the title of an adulterer. Though he feels a pang at parting with a farthing in the common occurrences of life, he fears no exceflive damages which may hereafter he levied on him, and declares that, fhould they be ever fo great, he fhall not have purchafed his revenge at too dear a rate: fo unaccountable a man is our revengeful Lover! Mr. Pn, however, is collecting evidence of the Crim. Con, and hopes next term to bring our hero to repentance, and obtain a handfome tuity for the injury he has sustained. Anecdotes of Winflone the Player. gra RICHARD Wintone, who died a few days fince at Briftol, to which place he had retired for fome years paft, was the father of the prefent ftage, being about three months older than Macklin. He was an eleve of Quin's, and, though greatly inferior to him in point of theatrical merit, was one of the groupe diftinguifhed by his friendship, and often admitted to his convivial en joyments. From this intimacy, Winftone ufed to relate many pleafant ftories of Quin, many of them much to the credit of his benevolence, and among the reft the following: Winstone Winstone once had a quarrel with his would rife with a crick in his neck." manager, and abruptly leaving the Lon- This has been attributed, but unjustly, to don ftage, contrary to the advice of Voltaire. Quin, went ftrolling into Wales. After two years abfence, on his return from Swansea to Bristol by fea, he was near being drowned, having met with a form which ftranded the thip, by which he loft-all his clothes, and what little money he had in his strong box. In this fituation he fcrambled up to London, and getting to one of his old haunts about the garden, went to bed, and fulked for two days without ever getting out of it. Quin by accident heard of his fituation, and immediately calling on the manager, had Winstone put on his ufual falary, and his name actually advertised in the bills for next day's performance he then called upon his taylor, who, having Winstone's meafure, took him to Monmouth-ftreet, and bought him a full fuit of clothes. Thus accoutred, Quin called upon his old friend, whom he found in bed very melancholy. After fome converfation, in which Winftone related all his miffortunes, Quin afked him why he was not at reheartal? This at first aftonished poor Winstone, till the other explain ing the circumftances, he fell upon his knees with gratitude: But Z-ds, my dear Jemmy, fays Winftone," what fhall I do for clothes and a little money?" "As for the clothes," fays Quin, "there they are; but as for money, by G-you must put your hand in your own pocket." Winfione experienced his friend's humanity even in this expreffron, for, on fearching the breechespocket, he found ten guineas. Old Winftone ufed to tell this ftory with tears of gratitude. He refided at the Hot-Wells, Briftol. for fome years before his death, where he lived partly on letting lodgings, and partly on what he faved in his earlier days. The performers at Briftol generally gave him a yearly benefit, which, as he had many friends, turned to account. On thofe nights he spoke an occafional Prologue. Anecdotes of Quin. ON Na thirtieth of January he faid, That every king in Europe Contending one day with a gentleman about the rectitude of taking away the life of Charles, he was afked, a By what law the judges deprived him of his life?" By all the laws,” he replied, "which he had left them." He was at one time advifed by his phyfician to ride a few miles every day, and at laft confented to the experiment. He accordingly took the circuit of the city of Bath, and on delivering up the horfe faid, "Here hoftler, take your horfe-the next time I want my kicked I'll hire a porter.' > To a friend with whom he fometimes dined on a Sunday, he exclaimed on an apology being fent up by the cook for the omiffion of a pudding," Here's a Sabbath-breaking jade! Is it a wonder we have earthquakes?" To the mafter of an inn who had complained of being infefted with rats, he promited a receipt to drive them away. On quitting the house, he had an extravagant bill put into his hands, which he paid; and on the innkeeper's reminding him of his promife, he returned his bill to him, faying, “Shew them this, and they'll come no more near you, I'll engage.' On Quin's being confulted by a nobleman about Derrick's continuing maf ter of the ceremonies at Bath, he faid, "My Lord, if you have a mind to put him out, do it at once, and clap an extinguisher over him." long habit in more advanced years; which are two of the ftrongest and most general principles in human nature. It A Differtation on Bulls. [From Dr. Gregory's Philofophical and may therefore be confidered as an inLiterary Ellays.] BULLS ULLS fometimes proceed from a perfon's attention being fo thoroughly engroffed by one object, that, he can think of nothing elfe; nor, confequently, perceive even the fimpleft and moft obvious relations of that object to others; but more frequently, I apprehend, they proceed from the oppofite circumftances; too little attention, too quick thought, and an imperfect and confuled apprehenfion of many things together; which, without more time, and ftricter attention, can neither be properly diftinguifhed, nor rightly comprehended, in point of thought; nor, confequently, can they be expreffed in words with fufficient clearness and precifion. If it be true, as from its being very generally afferted and believed I prefume it is in fome meafure, that the frifh nation excels in this kind of compofition, for to my certain knowledge it has not acquired an abfolute monopoly of the commodity, I conceive that it is to be explained and accounted for on the fimple principle which I am here confidering. To attribute it to any natural defect in the intellectual powers of a great people, would, in the first place, be illiberal in the highest degree; and, in the fecond place, would be abfurd. But I think it may reasonably be attributed to that peculiar rapidity of thought, and that eagerness and impetuofity of character and conduct, which I prefume the Irifh themfelves will acknowledge to be juftly their national character. Such a peculiarity, whatever may have been its origin, whether moral and political circumftances in diftant ages, affecting whole tribes of men, or the accidental, but natural fingularity of character, of one individual, or of one family, of great influence and extenfive connections, may have become general and permanent, in confequence of the powerful influence of inflinctive involuntary imitation in early life, and of Hib. Mag. Oct. 1792. ftance ftrictly analogous to all other peculiarities of manner, and in fome meafure even of character, which are often characteriftic, not only of individuals and of families, but of whole nations; as, for example, fedatenefs or levity, taciturnity or loquacity, flow or quick fpeaking, provincial and national accents; all of which are in a great meafure acquired, and often firmly rivetted, by the tendency to involuntary imitation, and the force of established habit. The bull, in whatever nation or language it may occur, I confider as the extreme cafe, or ne plus ultra, of inaccurate and imperfect thinking; on which very account it affords the bett illuftration of the nature and caufes of fuch inaccuracies and imperfections of thought, and of the means of correcting them. If the train of thought were made fo flow in any perfon, that there thould be time to attend to every object, and every circumstance of relation involved in any common and complex operation of thought, (for moft common operations of thought are complex) and if, by any expedient whatever, the perfon were made to attend duly to every one one of them, either in fimultaneous combination, or in very quick fucceffion, according to the circumstances of different cafes, I think it would be as impoffible for him to make a bull, asto deny an axiom of geometry, or the conclution of a good fyllogifm. We hear and read of many wonderful bulls of the truly practical kind, altogether independent of language, and plainly founded in thought alone, fuch as, fending exprefs for a phyfician to come without delay to a patient who was in the utmoft danger, and telling the doctor, in a poftfcript of the letter addreffed and actually fent to him, not to come, as the patient was already almoft well again; or obferving gravely, when this ftory was told, that it was right to add fuch a pofcript, as it faved the fending another exprefs to countermand the doctor; or indofing ૨૧ thin fixpence in a fnuff-box, that it At firft view, it might be thought that men who could fall into such abfurdities in their fpeech and conduct had not the ordinary faculties of mankind: but this would be a great miftake. There was probably no natural defect in their intellectual powers; nor any imperfection in their mode of ufing them, either habitually or on the occa fions fpecified, but what it was in their own power to correct almoft in an inftant. No laborious effort, or what what could be called patient thinking, would be requifite for that purpofe; nor any thing more than an eafy degree of attention to thofe circumftances which thould have been confidered. This fimple expedient would inftantly enle them to perceive, nay, would make it impoffible for them not to per ceive, not only the impropriety of their words and actions, but the incongruity and abfurdity of their firft hafty thoughts, as clearly as mathematicians perceive that a part is lefs than the whole. Surely a man who could not by fuch means be made in half a minute to perceive the bull he made, would be A as much a monfter, and as great a cu riofity, as one who could not fee that the whole is greater than its part. ag Manifefto of their Majeflies the Emperor af Germany, and the King of Prussia, against the French Revolution. (Continued from p. 214.) XPLANATIONS were required from the Court of Vienna, and given with that clearnefs, precifion and minutenefs, which became the candour and dignity of his Apoftolic Majefty, the King of Bohemia and Hungary: being in every refpect fatisfactory, they could difpleafe only an Affembly and Societies who withed to disturb "the public peace, and who, by intrigues and criminal manoeuvres, obliged the King to yield to the violent impulfe of his Miniftry and the Affembly, and contrary to all juftice, contrary to all rea fon, and contrary to the evident intereft of France, to declare war againft his neighbour, his relation, and his good and faithful ally the King of Hungary and Bohemia. The ufurping Affembly flattered themselves that they could fubdue Europe, as they had fubdued France, by corrupting their troops, feducing their fubjects, and rendering odious the paternal authority of Sove reigns; by commanding crimes by giving rewards to thofe who committed them; by irritating and flattering the paffions of the people; and in a word, by diffolving all the bonds of moral and political fociety. They flattered themfelves, above all, that they should revive and propagate that errors which had milled the provinces of the Auftrian Netherlands; they trufted they should carry thither the flames of infurrection; find there a number of partifans; devour the rich patrimony of the churches feize on the property of the nobility: abolish the lawful authorities of the States; and as they caufed to be repeated with complaifance by the Minifty of their will (1), they wished to carry away the fpecie of the Low Countries NOL OTT E. (1) Report by M. du Mourier, on the affair of Mons. and and to replace it with that paper money own laws, without procefs, and with which circulates on the credit of vio lence; which is fecured only by ufurped property; and which, by its difcredit. at home, is fufficiently proved to be illegal. They thus trafted that they should be able to reward the crimes of their fatellites, and the activity of their pa triotic agents, with the fpoils of their neighbours, and the riches of a peaceful and induftrious people. On this crimi nal bafis, deteftable in the eyes of all nations, they founded their with for war, as well as their plan for executings it; and they congratulated themselves for having extorted this propofal from a juft Monarch, whofe whole life has attefted his love for juftice, his fidelity towards his allies, and his ardent defire for preferving the tranquillity of Eus rope. gr. table y ad of bifre The triumph of the Affembly, how ever, was not of long duration. Pro vidence, in blessing the arms of a Sove, reign, unjustly attacked, defervedly punished thofe rebellious troops to their King, who, detaining him prifoner at Paris, came, in his name, to make war on his allies 101 I out previous accufation; without hearin him, or any perfon for him, the Affembly had unjustly difmiffed, and removed from the King's perfon, an irreproachable guard, and invited ban-" dittit from all the provinces to their ahtance. Thefe famous banditti, wholed names must be handed down with infamy to the remoteft ages, as if they withed to try the ftrength and ener gy of the villainy of their agents, caufed the afylum of the King to be violated on the 20th of June, 1792; and the moft atrocious crimes would have been' then committed, had not the Majefty of the Monarch, his virtues and his firmnefs, overawed a band of regicides, whole arms were evidently paid and directed: All France, who in juftice ought to be feparated from the factious, turned afide with horror from that crable day, and demanded that punifh ment might be inflicted on the guilty. But he who refufes to punifh crimes is alone criminal, and Europe cannot be mistaken refpecting the authors of these outrages. ?『༽. ་ exe Such then is the French Revolution," unjust and illegal in its principle, horrid in the means by which it was effected, and difaftrous in its confequences. Their Imperial and Royal Majefties," who can no longer delay to fulfil their mutual engagements, to deliver man-" kind from fo many exceffes, have confidered this Revolution under the following points of view The army of the French revolters, beat at Tournay and Mons, and defeat ed at Florenne and Grifnelle attempt ed an invafion of Flanders, an open and defenceless country; but being loon after obliged to retire, the ufurping Affembly (1) were taught that his Apoftolic Majefty had none but courageous foldiers, as well as faithful fubjects, and that nothing of their projects remained to that rebellious army, but the fhame of having conceived them the ignominy of having maffacred, 2 As it refpects the French nation. with a civic joy, the unfortunate pri43. As it relpects the Princes of Ger-" foners who had done their duty; and many who have poffeffions in France. the opprobrium of having burnt bath 4. As it refpects the tranquillity of Courtray without advantage, without Europe, and the happinets of all natiobject, and even without military pre- ons. tence, the habitation and property of three hundred families, again whom they had no caufe of complaint. But 1. As it perfonally regards his Moft Chriftian Majelly. his Moft Chriftian Majefty. 1UT DAYCO dA.. other enjoyments recompenfed the On the Revolution, as it perfonally regards ufurping Affembly for thefe checks. Contrary to the exprefs letter of their N OM TE. (9) (2) Letters from M. Luckner, June 28th, 29th, and 30th, 1792. The whole world knows that it was effential to the French archy, and the unanimous with expreffed in the ire ૨૧ 2 ftruction |