tary restraint of religious ideas: encouragements and even rewards are folemnly decreed in the favour of fcandal and impiety; the churches profaned and fhut against the catholics; the priests purfued to the foot of the altar; and aged paftors facrificed without pity: infults which put modeity to the blush, multiplied, tolerated, and authorizei, even in the most facred fanctuaries: complaints made, for no other purpofe but to provoke fresh violences; and the administrators of justice ft inding by, either as tame fpectators or accomplices in all thofe enormities.-Such has been the confequence of the fatal combination of the fpirit of revolt and philofophical fanaticism,

The most execrable means have been employed for three years paft to form, fupport, and propagate this fatal confpiracy against all laws, human and divine. Its authors began their reign by corruption, by artifice, and popular hypocrify: they have maintained it by fire and the word. Their daggers and their incendiary torches, threatened whoever dared to avow themselves attached to lawful authority.-Thefe novel factious innovators have employed, in the conqueft and the progrefs of their ufurpation, all the poifon of calumny, the inquifition of odious inquiry, the tyranny of oppreffive means, the feduction of influence over credulity, and the terror of power over weakness.

Such are the arms with which they have dared to declare war against all empires, to openly proclaim their feditious doctrines, and to diffufe them by means of emiffaries, difturbers of the people, preachers of regicide, and inftigators to infurfections, which they have not blushed to call THE MOST SACRED OF DUTIES. It might have been thought that the remedy for fuch diabolical phrenzy would be found in the exceffes which it has promoted-in the indignation which it excites -in the contempt which it deferves. But its progrefs has pointed out to fovereigns that it is high time to unite their forces, to check the contagion in its birth; to bring thofe to reafon again by force, who no longer liften to its gentle voice; and ftrike with falutary terror thofe whom an unaccountable delirium renders infenfible to the calamities they are fuffering.

Who is there that would not be affected to fee that once fo flourishing kingdom, to which nature has been lavish in the means of making it fuch; that kingdom fo rich in population; fo fruitful in its productions, and which once abounded in money; fo opulent from its refources and its commerce; from the industry of its inhabitants, and the advantages of its colonies: that kingdom provided with fo many ufeful institutions, and whofe happy abodes have been univerfally courted, prefenting at this moment, nothing but the appearance of a barbarous country, given up to rapine, ftained with bloody ruins, and deferted by its principal inhabitants; an unorganized empire, torn with inteftine diftraction, ftripped of all its riches, threatened with every fpecies of fcarcity, enervated from three years internal diforders, and on the brink of diffolution through anarchy: a nation without manners, police, or government; as little to be known again by its moral character, as by its political fituation-having neither circu

lation of money, public revenue, credit, commerce, army or juice, or any energy in the public ftrength-mad wickednel's has fwept them" all away.

How is it poffible that the fad impreffion of fo many ills fhould not have altered opinions, even thofe of the people themiclves? Is there a perfon whe can ftill hut his eyes against the difaftrous effects of the revolution; or one who does not feel, and in fome measure, fuffer more or lefs from it?-The husbandman whom they had intoxicated with the deceitful hope of paying no more taxes, beholds himself overwhelmed with contributions, and pays double what he did before. The artificer groans under the languor of labour and the dearnefs of provifions. The tradejman is ruined by the removal of his beft cuftomers. The merchant by the devastation of our beft colonies! and both by the evil of paper currency and a general want of credit. The proprietors of wealth facrificed to a multitude deftitute of property, and ftripped with impunity by authorized rapine, is continually expofed to the fury of that mob of plunderers whom the factious have made their tools, their allies, and their protectors.

The ftockholder, although lefs to be pitied than others, shares in like manner the public miffortunes. He trembles for his stock and that bankruptcy, which the authors of our troubles have to perfidioufly and flanderously imputed the intention of effecting to the king and government; that bankruptcy, which, in a kingdom like France, can never be a matter of neceffity, and which an enlightened adminiftration will always confider as a falfe refource. He perceives it operating fince the revolution, by the fufpenfion of legal exactions; by the breach of a multitude of public engagements; by the delays and formalities to which the acquittal of rents is fubject; by the great depreciation of affignats; finally from the impoflibility of fulfilling engagements fo long as France fhall be without a government, and taxes demanded by armed contributors, in the name of a despicable adminiftration.

Thus has a general calamity extended for three years paft over all ranks of people. Thus the very fources of power and profperity have dif appeared; and thus have both its military force and its political confequence fallen. Thus have vanished the eighty millions which St. Domingo produced; the refources which the ports of France derived from this commerce; the fale that this grand establishment yielded to her commodities and to her manufactures; the nursery it was for her fe men; in a word, the fortunes of 20,000 families and the employment of feveral millions of men.

t

re to s and

To purchafe liberty at the price of fo many loffes, fo many misfortunes both public and pr.vate, is doubtless paying very der for it: but what liberty is it? Can any exift without a pretecting authority? And was there ever a time in which this people, whofe liberty, and even fɔvereignty are fo cried up, were lefs free an lefs mafters of their actions than now? Wen fon ;individuals ever lefs certain of preferving th property, their lives, and their honour?

let us

conciu

'

rev

there ever feen, even in Nero's days, fuch devaftation, fuch inquifitorial examinations, fo many oppreffive fhackles, fo many violations of the most facred fanctuaries, fo many maffacres of citizens? Are the 30,000 affaffins who have fignalized the reign of democratic tyranny, proofs of the reign of liberty?

Oh! too credulous Frenchmen! Oh! too

unhappy country! While we are defirous of abolishing the caufe of the evils which overwhelm you, when we are marching against the bafe faction which has given rife to them; when we unite our armies with the forces of powers whofe affistance we have implored against your tyrannical oppreffors, can you look upon us as your enemies? No, no, you behold in us fellow countrymen who wish to become your deliverers. The two fovereigns with whofe affiftance we are advancing towards you, have declared through their hero, the commander in chief of their armies, "That they have no other object in view but the welfare of France, without meaning to enrich themselves at her expence by conqueft: that they do not mean to interfere in the internal government of the kingdom; but that they wish folely to liberate the king, the queen, and the royal family from their captivity, and preferve to his most chriftian majefty that security neceflary to enable him to do, without danger, and with out obftacle, what he may think fit for fecuring the happiness of his fubjects according to his pro

mifes.

Thefe generous, thefe magnanimous declarations, in which the kings of the houfe of Bourbon, our auguft coufins; our much honoured father-in-law, the Neftor of fovereigns; the Heroine of the north, our fublime protect refs! and the young heir of the unfortunate Gustavus, whose bloody tomb we all bathe with our tears, equally participate, enfure to these illuftrious confederates the immortal palm due to the defenders of a caufe, which is at the fame time the cause of kings, of good order, and humanity; and at the fame time fhew you O Frenchmen, that the forces which we join, are for you rather than ourfelves; that they are only formidable to guilt, that they will attack nothing but obftinate rebellion, and that by coming over to us, rather than refifting their fuperiority, you will only return to your reafon and to your duty, your deareft interefts inviting you to it. It is in full affurunce of this that we think ourselves justified in joining our standard to thofe of foreign powers. By publishing their intentions they have thewn the propriety of the ftep we are taking, and our wishes for their fuccefs are mixed with thofe which we are constantly entertaining for the welfare of our country.

The factious, your real enemies as well as ours, have told you that we were animated with violent and implacable resentments; that we breathed no taing but vengeance, carnage, and profcription; and that there was no mercy to be expected from ton a nobility too justly offended not to be deaf to the that calls of it. Thofe who tell you this, Frenchmen, are the men who for three years paft have been in he habit of deceiving you, who have made it their y, who have e tablished flops for the

i

lies and falfe news, which the orators of the tribunes promulgate, the clubs believe, and the revolution libellifts fpread far and wide.-Interefted in alienating you from thofe with whose pure and unalterable attachment to the king, and the fundamental principles of monarchy, they are acquainted; they strive to raise your hatred against your emigrated countrymen; they abuse, not being able to feduce us; and to destroy the fondness you have for the heirs of a name, dear to you for many ages back, they endeavour to terrify you with the intentions, with which (they fay) we are coming into the kingdom.

arts:

But be no longer the dupes of their guilty we folemnly declare to you, and all Europe is witness to what we declare, as well in our names as in thofe of all the French who are marching with us, and who are of our way of thinking, that united to deliver the king and the people from the defpotifm of ufurpers, we do not separate ourselves from thofe who have the fame intention; that no fpirit of particular vengeance guides our steps; that we are very far from confounding the nation with the perverse feducers who have led it aftray; and that leaving to juftice the care of punishing the guilty, we come to hold out our hands to all thofe, who renouncing their errors, shall immediately return to their duty.

The emigrated French have not taken arms to recover by the fword the rights which violence has wrefted from them; it will belong to the king, when liberated to restore them; they will willingly lay at the foot of his unfhackled throne the care of their own interefts, and we, the first citizens of the ftate, will give to all an example of fubmiffion to juftice, and his majesty's will. But being born hereditary defenders of the throne of our ancestors, faithful to the religion of our forefathers, attached to the fundamental maxims of monarchy, we will rather fhed the laft drop of our blood than abandon any of these high interefts. Our fentiments already expreffed in our letter of the 10th of last December, and recapitulated in a few words in our publication of the 30th of October, are unchangeable. The proteftations we made then we now repeat again: infpired by honour, engraven on our hearts from duty, nothing fhall ever be able to move us. thus expreffing our wishes, which are no otherwife guided than by that common intereft which the whole nation, by its representatives, pronounced to be one, we have reafon to hope that all thofe who are not feditioufly inclined—all that are not inimical to royalty, i imical to legitimate authority and public tranquility, will not befitate a/ moment to join us; and that a very great majority of the inhabitants of the kingdom, hitherto retrained by the terror of popular tyranny, or uneanels about what will become of them at lat, having now the profpect of being protected aga nft both, will foon flock to the royal ftanderd which we are following.

In

Full of this confidence, and convinced that in France there can be but two parties, the king's, of which we are the head during his captivity; and that of the factious, which comprehends all the different innovators, fome of whom have

undertaken

- undertaken to overfet the throne, and others to degrade it; we exhort all those who have not partaken of the crimes of the factious, all thofe who have been merely led aftray, do not wish to be the accomplices of furious ufurpers, in def'troying or perverting the French government; all thofe who abhor that atrocious doctrine which tends to disturb the peace of all nations; we befeech them to be of one and the fame mind with us, not to difpute on the mode of regulating the ftate, when the question is to fight together against those who wish to destroy it; and to acknowledge that if it is neceffary to correct the abufes which time introduces into the best inftitutions, all innovations in the primeval principles of a government, which antiquity renders refpectable, is always dangerous, and almost always fatal.-We have no doubt but the bishops, especially thofe in the frontier provinces, will redouble their zeal at this moment to ftrengthen the courage of the paftors, whom the flight of the intruders will foon put into poffeffion of the exercife of their duties, and to excite their diocefans to avert, by a fpeedy fubmiffion, the ftorm that is ready to burft upon their heads.

We will not go a point beyond that; and the fupport of the courts whofe formidable armies furround France on every fide, adds nothing to our first wishes and intentions.

Adhering fully to the fpirit of moderation which their Imperial and Pruffian majefties have manifested in the folemn declaration they have juft published, which does honour to, and will immortalize the ufe they make of their powers: We declare moreover again, under their aufpices "That our only object is to re-demand from the ufurpers the monarch, and the monarchy; the freedom of the august head of the ftate, and that of his people; public order and the protective power of individual right: our ancient laws, our manners, our religion, national honour, juftice, peace, and fecurity."

Is there a rational Frenchman who does not agree with us in these views? Is there one who does not join with us in demanding an end of the frightful chaos, into which the factious have plunged all the branches of administration; the eftablishment of the finances devoured by the vileft depredations; the re-conftitution of the public revenue deftroyed through unskilful adminiftration of it; a permanent and regular order of things which may clofe the pit that has fwallowed up three thousand millions of flock; the fecurity of state creditors, and the restoration of credit, which may, and ought to operate by a strict reform in the expenditure, and by the fuppreffion (which the king has always had in view) of abufes, which were long ago introduced into the conftitution. Abufes which are not eafy to wipe away, but which those who have overturned every thing, even fo as to change the ideas and fentiments of men, have affected to confound with the government.

We give to the king's troops the most preffing invitations, and even ORDERS (which the state of captivity in which his majesty is, authorizes us to give in his name) that conformably to the fummons contained in the 3d article of the de

claration of his ferene highness the reigning duke of Brunswick, and without looking upon themfelves as bound by an illufory oath, which they could not willingly take to the prejudice of their fupreme chief, they will lofe no time in returning to their ancient fidelity of their lawful fovereign; that after the example of the greatest part of their officers, they will join the troops which wɛ, his majefty's brothers, command for him; that they will give us free paffage to march to his affiftance, and that they give him, in conjunction with us, proofs of an unviolable attachment to his fervice.

We exprefsly require, in the king's name, (as being at this moment the neceffary medium through which his will is to be made known) all commanders of towns, citadels, and fortreffes, throughout the kingdom, to open their gates and deliver up the keys on the first fummons, which fhall be given by us, or by the general officer who may be the bearer of our orders to that effect: as alfo to give free admiflion to the tr ops which shall prefent themfelves to affift us in taking poffertion in the name of the king, our brother. If, contrary to our expectation, any of these commanders fhall refufe it, they shall be perfonally answerable for the confequences; tried for difobedience to the king, and treated as rebels. The inhabitants of places and forts, as well as the troops in garrifons, who fhall oppofe and ifobey the chiefs and commanders who would bring them back to their duty, shall be punished as traitors, and have neither favour nor mercy to expect.

The voice of Henry the Fourth's defcendants will not be difowned by the French army; we are already informed in part of its good will, and we know that blushing to follow the chiefs of a confpiracy whom it defpifes, it only waits a favourable monent to make its juft indignation burt upon thofe corrupters who dishonour it. That moment is at hand, and we have good grounds to believe, that as foon as the troops of the line advance towards them, the corps of French cavaliers, led by the Bourbons, and preceded by that ancient banner which was always the fignal of honour to our army, the voice of the public opinion for fourteen centuries palt, will make itself to be heard in their ranks, as well as in our own: that they will flock to their ancient colours, and at the fight of the untarnished and immortal purity of the FLEURS-DELys, they will quit with horro the disgraceful colours adopted by fanaticifm.

Oh! may we thus terminate, without fpilling the blood of our fellow citizens, a war which is only directed against obitinate and criminal refiftance! May the feditious inhabitants of the capital be restrained by the fear of the moft juft and the most terrible vengeance, with which their Imperial and Pruffian majeties have declared they will overwhelm that guilty city, in cafe the leaft violence or infult ihall be offered to the king, the queen, and the royal family, or in cafe their fecurity, their prefervation, and their liberty is not immediately provided for,"

God forbid that impious villainy should dare to brave thefe threats-ur very blood boils and hudders at the thought of fuch atrocity! let us hope, rather hope that chimeras are near a conciu

fon :-

fion;-that the bandage will drop from all eyes, and that reafon will refume its reign. It is our moft earnest wish, and we pray to the God of Juftice and Peace, that the fubmiffion of the factious may spare us the neceffity of fighting them: but if that neceffity fhould be inevitable, if we must fight the enemies of the Altar and the Throne, WE WILL INVOKE WITH CONFIDENCE THE ASSISTANCE OF THE GOD OF ARMIES.

Given at Head Quarters, near Treves, 8th day of Auguft, 1792.

(Signed)

LOUIS-STANISLAUS XAVIER, (Monfieur) a Son of France, and Brother to the King. CHARLES PHILIP, (Count d'Artois) a Son of France, and Brother to the King. LOUIS ANTHONY D'ARTOIs, Duke d'Angouleme, a Grandfon of France. CHARLES FERDINAND D'ARTOIS, Duke de Berry, a Grandfon of France. LOUIS JOSEPH DE BOURBON, Prince of Conde.

LOUIS HENRY JOSEPH DE BOURBON, Duke of Bourbon.

LOUIS JOSEPH DE BOURBON, Duke of Enghein.

Circular Letter, addreffed to the Roman Catholic Gentlemen of the Kingdom of Ireland, with a Plan for Electing Delegates.

"SIR,

"THIS

HIS Letter, with the Plan which accoinpanies it, is tranfmitted to you, by order of the Sub-Committee. You will perceive that the object of this plan is to procure a fuller attendance of country gentlemen, to affift, by their advice and influence, the meafures adopted by the Committee to procure for the Catholics the ELECTIVE FRANCHISE, and an equal participation of the benefits of the TRIAL BY JURY. You will plea to lofe no time in fubmitting this to the refpectable Catholics of your county. You will pleafe alfo to inform them, that several refpectable independent country gentlemen, lately in Dublin, had frequent confultations, for the laudable purpose of re-uniting to the Committee lord Fingal, and the other gentlemen who had withdrawn themselves from it. These country gentlemen had the fatisfaction to find, that the General Committee on one fide, and the gentlemen who had entered into feparate addreffes on the other, mutually regretted their division; which they faw was ufed by the opponents of the Catholics, as a pretext for with holding from our people the Elective Franchife, and an equal participation of the benefits of the Trial by Jury. It is on all fides agreed, that if the Catholics are ALL united in this juft and reafonable request, effential to the very existence of our people, there will be a certainty of fuccefs: It depends then on curfelves whether we fhall be-Freemen or Slaves! We fay, effential to the very tance of our people: for, as the rage for elec

ng interefts increafes, our wealthy farmers

muft either pay beyond the value for lands, or refign them to Proteftant freeholders when out of leafe; our poorer yeomanry will of courfe be expelled, and driven into beggary. Let us all then, speak with one voice, and fupplicate the legiflature for justice-and we shall receive it.

"Thefe independent country gentlemen have received from lord Fingal, and the gentlemen who have acted with him, the most pofitive declarations, that they will never again enter into any act to oppofe the General Committee in their endeavours to obtain the emancipation of the Catholics; and it is determined that all former differences in opinion fhall be buried in oblivion on both fides.

"The Committee had decided to fend fome of their body, to propofe to the counties to appoint Delegates to the Committee, of whose attendance there would be a certainty; and our Chairman had actually left Dublin, with intention to go through a great part of Ireland for this purpose; the independent country gentlemen, as before mentioned, took up the fame idea themselves, (before they knew the Committee had determined upon it) and they, and lord Fingal and his friends, all agreed in preffing fuch a measure on the Committee, as an additional caufe of re-uniting them to the body.

Lord Fingal, his friends, and the country gentlemen before mentioned, feemed at first inclined that the prefent Committee fhould be diffolved; an opinion, however, which further reflection on the various difficulties refulting from fuch a meafure, the doubts entertained of the competency in the Committee to diffolve itself, and the confideration that a diffolution must neceffarily occur early in 1793, induced them to forego.

"The Plan inclofed, fan&ioned by the General Committee, by thefe independent gentlemen, and by lord Fingal, and his friends, is recommended to your zeal to have carried into immediate execution in your county.

"I am, Sir,

"Your most humble fervant,

" EDWARD BYRNE."

On the manner of conducting the Election of
Delegates.

IT will be of great importance, in the prefent state of our affairs, that the delegates be cholen in fuch a manner as to make it appear evident that the nomination of fuch delegates is authorised by all the people. But as it might be imprudent to call a meeting of all the catholics of a county, for the purpofe of proceeding to fuch an election, it is therefore fuggefted-that if, at each parish chapel, or at every chapel in the county, one or two of the moft refpectable perfons of the parish or congregation, be appointed electors; these scveral electors, fo appointed, may meet at any central place, for the purpofe of choofing from one to four (as it may appear moft expedient to them) of their own refidents, as delegates to the

general

general committee; no one to be eligible who shall not folemnly promise to attend his duty in Dublin, when required to do fo by order of the committee, or at least who shall not pledge himself to attend in his turn. It is alfo fuggefted that in addition to the RESIDENT delegates, each county does appoint, at the fame time, as associated delegates for fuch county, one or two (as it may appear beft to the electors) RESIDENT inhabitants of Dublin, whose business it fhall be, to keep up a regular correfpondence with their colleagues in the country, and to inform the county through them, of all proceedings in the general committee, at fuch times as the county deleg.tes fhall be abfent. It is to be understood that attendance on the part of the county delegates will not be required, except on important occafions; in this however they are to study their own convenience: If they all come often, we are perfuaded that the committee will derive fatisfaction, and profit from their prefence and advice.

As foon as the gentlemen of your county fhall have appointed delegates, it will be meceffary to call THEIR attention to the firft great bufinefs which shall probably engage the general committee, viz. An humble application to our gracious fovereign, fubmitting to him our loyalty and attachment-our obedience to the laws-a true ftate ment of our fituation-and of the laws which operate against us; and humbly befeeching-that we may be reftored to the ELECTIVE FRANCHISE, and an equal participation in the benefits of the TRIAL BY JURY.-We have the FIRST AUTHORITY for afferting that this application will have infinite weight with our gracious fovereign, and with parliament, if our friends are qualified to declare, that it is the univerfal with of EVERY catholic in the nation. To enable therefore your delegates and the general committee to fucceed in your behalf, it will be neceffary that the meeting enter into refolutions in any words they chufe, to the following effect:

At a Meeting of the Catholics of the County of regularly convened, this Day of 1792,

in the Chair, RESOLVED, that

of this county, and of the city of Dublin, have been this day chofen by the catholics of this county, as their delegates to the general committee.

RESOLVED, That it is our inftructions to our faid delegates, to fupport in faid committee, as the voice of all the catholics of this county, that an humble reprefentation be made to our gracious fovereign and to parliament, of the many fevere laws which opprefs his majefty's faithful fubjects, the catholics of Ireland, although no caufe, founded in wifdom or policy, is affigned for their continuance; imploring it as effential to our protection, and to fecure aa impartial diftribution of justice in our favour, that we be restored to the ELECTIVE FRANCHISE, and an equal participation in the benefits of the TRIAL BY JURY.

According to its prefent form of conftitution, the general committee is open not only to perfons delegated by others, but to every Roman catholic of landed property in the kingdom. From this mixture of representative and personal afsociation, inconveniencies which every one may remember, but which at present it is ufelefs to dwell on, have arifen. To guard against fimilar inconveniencies in future, we have recommended to your confideration the above sketch of a new conftitution, the object of which is to give to the committee fomewhat more of a reprefentative, and fomewhat lefs of an individual capacity; and we beg leave to offer to you the following obfervations in fupport of our plan:

Men appointed by others must hold themselves accountable to thofe from whom they derive their truft; and therefore must regulate their conduct by the ftandard of general opinion; or, if they be unwilling to take fuch a standard for their rule, or to obey the instructions of their constituents, they may be removed from the place they hold, to make room for others more practicable, and lefs inclined to fet the dictates of private fentiment, or private intereft, in oppofition to the general will, and the public good. Under a conftitution which is thas REPRESENTATIVE, and where the truft is revocable at pleasure, SEDUCTION cannot again be practifed, nor can DIVISION again take place; or at least, the remedy is fo near the evil that little danger is to be apprehended from either.

Our plan, by making attendance a duty, will, we apprehend, ferve to bring a greater number of country gentlemen into the committee than have formerly appeared among us. While admiffion remains fo cafy as it does at present, and while fo many perfons are exempted from responsibility and controul, we have little reafon to expect that country gentlemen will defert their homes and their immediate concerns, to promote an interest which is remotely or obfcurely felt; but we hope that the honourable diftinétion of representing others, added to the obligation of a folemn promife, will not fail to reconcile thofe who fhall happen to be delegated, to admit of fome temporary hardships, in order to promote the public good. By collecting occafionally a number of country gentlemen in Dublin, we flatter ourselves, that the committee will be enabled to speak the fentiments of its constituent members with diftinctnefs and precifion; and that the country parts of the kingdom will be provided with the fureft means of acquiring whatever information may be acceffary on the subject of catholic affairs. From this prompt communication of opinion and intelligence, we forefee great advantages; advantages, which, under the prefent fyftem, are wholly beyond our reach; as the landed gentlemen are refponfible only to themfelves, and as the Dublin delegates have frequently little knowledge of their constituents. The attendance of a greater number of country gentlemen will juftify fuch a reduction of the number of delegates for the metropolis in the general committee, as may be judged advifcable; a meafure which was always defirable, but which could not heretofore be accomplished, as the utend

ance