211

*

History, earth, and employed their subtile powers in deceiving and in tormenting the Human race.* They first drew From Man from the knowledge of his Creator, and afterwards A. D. tried every device to confirm him in his error. Sus101. ceptible of receiving both nourishment and pleasure to from the savoury steam of victims, they encouraged Sacrifices, and lurked in Statues.† Capable of transporting themselves with wonderful velocity into the most distant regions, and of entering, by reason of the fineness of their substance, into the most minute and hidden recesses, they acquired a knowledge almost instantaneous of passing events. These events they communicated to the Ministers of Oracles, who were thus enabled to rival true Prophets, by declaring what it was beyond Human power to learn, or, at least, to learn so soon. By their assistance children Prophecied.§ To maintain the ceremonies of Idolatry, they governed lots, moved the entrails of victims, and directed the flight of birds. They were ever busy in producing evil: they nipped the young bud, and shed blight upon the corn; they raised storms and infected the atmosphere; they filled the mind with violent passions and irregular desires; they worked the illusions of enchantment, and called up the souls of the departed by Necromancy; they infused dreams, and deluded the senses by Miracles. By them the death of Socrates was suggested, in order to destroy every effort of Truth.** By their invisible lash, the Emperors, as the Apologists boldly declared to them, were impelled to persecute the Faithful without cause.tt Yet these Demons were subject to the Christians. Tertullian openly challenges his adversaries to bring Demoniacs before the Tribunals, and affirms, that the Spirits which possessed them, when summoned by the exorcist, would confess themselves to be Evil Demons, and bear witness to the truth of Christianity.§§ Similar appeals are confidently. made by other Fathers of the Church. Saturn, and Jupiter, and Serapis, and the other Gods of Paganism, unable to endure the pain, are described as proclaiming their nature. Such were the general sentiments of the early Believers. By the constant application of these theories, they felt themselves under no necessity to deny the most absurd pretensions and fables in the ancient Mythology.¶¶ And, by the same system, whenever any similarity existed between the Christian and

Tertull. Apol. c. 22.

Ibid. Min. Fel. c. 27, &c.

Thus Tertullian (in Apol. c. 22,) explains how Apollo knew that

the Heathen ceremonies, it was at once attributed to the wiles of malicious Spirits.*

Of the Christian Church in the IInd Century.

From

A. D. 101.

to

211.

The adoption of these opinions concurred with a sense of the Divine prohibitions, and with a view both of the practical evils, and of the rooted force of Polytheism, to inspire them with extreme fear of all which might, even by indirect reasoning, be considered as connected with the guilt of Idolatry. An abhorrence of it was carefully instilled into the mind of the new Convert.† Some, as Tertullian, condemned every employment which could tend in any manner to support Fear of and promote it. To carve Statues, to adorn Temples, Idolatry. to teach the ancient Mythology, to sell frankincense, or any merchandise used in the Heathen worship; to allow themselves to be adjured or blessed by the name of any Idol; to receive or pay money on legal days, which were sacred to any Heathen God; to hang lamps or garlands at their doors: all these acts, however strong the distinction which really existed between them, were indiscriminately subjected to censure. But it should not be forgotten, that this sensitive fear, though sometimes unreasonable, flowed from a deep feeling of conviction and of piety; and that it preserved the Primitive Church from that disguised adoption of Pagan ceremonies, with which it was afterwards reproached.

lace.

From the effects of these opinions, however, we may Enmity of derive much of the popular enmity. To gratify it,§ the poputhe Magistrates, although it must be confessed they were often anxious, by suggesting evasions, to have an opportunity of releasing the accused, were sometimes. willing to sacrifice victims so easily obtained and destroyed as the Christians. Hence they were daily besieged, daily betrayed; often surprised and seized in the very midst of their meetings and assemblies. The punishments were no less various than atrocious: Cruelties they were cast into exile, or condemned to the mines, exercised. or bound to crosses, or torn with nails, or thrown to wild beasts, or beheaded, or consigned to the flames:** penalties to which even persons guilty of sacrilege or rebellion were not subjected.†† But, as if the cup of misery was not yet full, the bitterness of ridicule was infused, and pleasantry was exercised in giving them names derived from the nature of their torments.‡‡

Nor were these severities, which were authorized by the Civil Magistrate, although unexampled,§§ the only sufferings to which they were exposed; often, in Bacchanalian riot, the mob, with a spontaneous motion, assailed them with stones and fire, or violated the quiet of the tomb, tore the corpse from its sacred refuge, and

is told in Herodotus, lib. i. c. 47.

Tertull. Apol. c. 23.

Min. Fel. c. 27.

See Tertull. Apol. c. 23. He even adds, that by their means

et capræ et mensæ divinare consueverunt.

Lactant. Div. Inst. lib. ii. c. 14.

**Just. Mart. Apol. i.

tt Ibid. Comp. Tertull. Apol. c. 27.

See also Min. Fel. c. 27.

Just. Mart. Dial. c. Tryph. Tertull. Apol. c. 23. Cyprian. de Idol. Vanit.-Ad Demetrian. Orig. e. Cels. lib. i. and lib. vii. Theoph. ad Autol. lib. ii. Lactant. lib. iv. c. 27, &c.

Apol. c. 23.

Cyprian, ad Demetrian. Comp. Lactant. lib. iv. c. 27, &c. ¶¶ Thus Tertullian accounts for the tales of the sieve holding water-a ship drawn by a girdle-the black beard of Domitius Ahenobarbus, which turned red at the touch of Castor and Pollux, &c. The Philosophic Pagans would probably have whispered some remark similar to that which Seneca makes, at an attempt to explain an absurd fiction-Quantò expeditius erat dicere, Mendacium et fabula est? (Quæst. Nat. lib. iv. c. 7.)

figured body; an outrage the more painfully felt, as the ancient Christians were most careful, and, in fact, expensive, in preserving and embalming the

History

From

A. D.

101.

to

211.

Tertullian's

Treatise de Fuga.

dead.* From these expressions, openly made in a public document, the reader may form some idea of the cruelties exercised against the Christians at this period. It was in the Persecutions of this reign that many Christians sought safety by flight, or by paying money.† Tertullian, who was then a Montanist, wrote his Tract de Fugâ in Persecutione,‡ in order to prove that all attempts to avoid Martyrdom were weak and impious endeavours to oppose the will and to accuse the justice of the Deity. From this Tract, the harsh production of a severe-minded man, it appears that whole Churches were in the habit of purchasing, by subscription, their tranquillity.§ Yet the example of Rutilius, who employed this method, but, when seized, submitted to torments and death with Christian fortitude, proves that a sense of Religion was not necessarily lost, because a prudential regard to personal security was entertained. But when sums of money were paid to informers and to Magistrates, it was not surprising that the number of the former increased, and the vigilance of the latter was redoubled. Avarice was whetted. The rapacious soldier watched their meetings, and his connivance was obtained by bribes. For the Christians considered that this voluntary privation of worldly goods was in itself a pledge of their sincere attachment to the Faith which they had embraced.

66

Digression It may here perhaps be the proper place to make some on Martyr- remarks on the subject of the Christian Martyrdoms in doms. general. The term Martyr, which originally signified a witness," was applied, not merely to all who had laid down their lives in testimony of their Faith, but, with great latitude, to persons who had submitted to exile, imprisonment, or other severities, in defence of their Religion; persons who were afterwards more commonly designated by the term Confessors. In consequence of this extension of the name, the list of Martyrs has been unduly swelled. Other causes have also contributed to produce the false estimate, which has been sometimes admitted: such as the vanity or injudicious zeal of later Monks, and the mistakes arising from the misinterpretation of abbreviations on ancient inscriptions. T

The learned Dodwell wrote a Dissertation ** to prove that the number of Martyrs, who suffered death under the Roman Emperors, was very limited. Ruinart++ has maintained that the number was extremely great. An examination of the Fathers will lead rather to the former than to the latter opinion.

But, it has been justly remarked, that the hardships

Tertullian speaks of the quantities of costly spices which the Christians purchased of the Arabian merchants for that purpose. (Apol. c. 42.)

Pacisceris cum delatore, vel milite, vel furunculo aliquo præside, &c. c. 12.

For an account of the Treatise de Fugá in Persecutione, see Bishop Kaye, on Tertullian, p. 148.

§ Parum denique est, si unus aut alius ita eruitur. Massaliter totæ Ecclesiæ tributum sibi irrogaverunt, &c. c. 13.

At a time when this application of the term was common, the members of the Church of Lyons, notwithstanding their sufferings, had the humility to refuse it. (Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. v. c. 2.)

The History of the 11,000 Virgins is supposed by Sirmond to have arisen from a mistake of this kind. The first reporters, having found in manuscript Martyrologies, SS. Ursula et Undecimilla V. M. (i. e. Sanctæ Ursula et Undecimilla Virgines Martyres,) supposed that Undecimilla, with V. and M. following, was an abridgement of Undecim Millia Virginum Martyrum. (Valesiana, p. 49.) ** Dissert. Cyprian. xi.

++ Præfat. Act. Martyr. Select. et Sincer.

Of the

Century

From

A. D. 101.

to

211.

of the Christians are not to be weighed by the exact number who endured capital punishment: they are not Christian even appreciated by calculating the penalties imposed Church in the Ind by the Magistrates, and the injuries inflicted by the People. Their sufferings arose from a thousand private channels. The husband, without ground of jealousy, divorced his wife, simply because she was a Christian : for the same cause the father disinherited his son, and the master dismissed his slave.* The nearest relations scrupled not to bring informations against their kindred.† The name of Christian effaced the impression of every virtue calculated to conciliate esteem. "He is a good man, but, he is a Christian." The end of the sentence cancelled the effects produced by the beginning. But as the profession of Christianity entailed on the Converts the insults of their enemies, it naturally excited the affection of their brethren. Vengeance on the one side was not more deep, than benevolence on the other was warm and active. The Pagans, themselves, though they questioned the motive, could not but remark the circumstance: behold," they exclaimed, "how these Christians love one another."§ The hardships of exile and imprisonment were alleviated by the consolations, by the reverence, and by the contributions of the members of the Church. The dungeon was visited by females, Honours who came devoutly to kiss the fetters of the perse- paid to cuted; and by Penitents, who sought through inter- Martyrs. cession to be readmitted into the Church.** Christian passed through his trial without suffering death, his character commanded a high degree of deference and respect, which gave him a superior claim to Ecclesiastical dignities.tt If it was his lot to fall, he was told that Martyrdom was a second Baptism, which both supplied the Baptism by water, when this last had not been received, and restored it, when lost; ‡‡ that it obtained the pardon of every sin; §§ that the Martyr enjoyed the privilege denied to other Souls, of entering immediately on the departure of life from the body into the mansions of the blessed. His body was anxiously sought: his bones, deemed more valuable than gold and precious stones,¶¶ were carefully interred with the Faithful, apart from the Gentiles.*** anniversary of his death was termed Natilitium, being, as it were, the day of his birth into a better world.††† It was diligently noted‡‡‡ and commemorated at his tomb.§§§ Such honours were designed as marks of veneration for the dead, and as incentives of gratitude to the living. Nor was this design unattended by the desired circumstances. The Martyr regarded the pile which encircled him, as his garb of victory, or his

If the

The

Injudicious

The ardour evinced by many of the early Christians language of to obtain the honour of Martyrdom,|| thus strongly set the Fathers, forth, sometimes hurried them into a rash and unwarrantable exposure of their lives. The expressions of the Fathers were at times intemperate; though an indulgent allowance ought to be made for the peculiar circumstances of distress under which they were used. When the conduct of the Christians had the greatest influence on the minds of the unconverted, and when their choice lay between Apostasy and Death, it is not surprising if they eagerly availed themselves of the most powerful exhortations. They might, however, have derived more just views from the conduct of the Apostles, who, notwithstanding their desire to exchange this fleeting life for immortality, never presumed, by courting destruction, to throw off the duties of patience and resignation. Their own experience also might have taught them, from two circumstances, that the extravagant praises which they lavished on Martyrdom were often unjustifiable. In the first place, Martyrdoms were not exclusively confined to the Orthodox Believers. Among those who suffered death at Smyrna, one was a Priest of the Sect of the Marcionites. Several other Heretics claim their Martyrs.** To ascribe their fortitude in every instance to the operation of pride,tt is to judge their conduct with too much harshness. Although a true knowledge of Christianity, and a corresponding observance of the great duties which it requires, may be justly deemed most adapted to prepare, and strengthen, and support the spirit under pain and affliction; yet it cannot be denied, that the consciousness of sincerity, even in the cause of error, will enable the mind to endure Persecution with extraordinary firmDess. Constancy in maintaining principles is not a criterion of their truth; it is not even a proof that the mode of inquiry which led to their adoption was free from blame: but, unless the tenour of circumstances manifestly points out an evil motive, it is but common charity, in this our state of ignorance, to allow that principles, so maintained, might be conscientiously

* Tertull. Apol. sub fine.

+ Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. v. c. 1. Robertson, Hist. of America, vol. i. 176. Chrysost. I. de S. Babyl. tom. i. 669. p.

P.

In the Acts of Felicitas and Perpetua, who suffered in the time of Tertullian, it is said that when one Saturus, a Catechumen, was thrown to a leopard, and, at the first bite, covered with blood, the people gave him the testimony of the second Baptism, by crying, "Salvum lotum, Salvum lotum: Baptized and saved, Baptized and saved:" whence it is inferred, that the Pagans were not ignorant of the opinion entertained by the Christians. (Bingham, Antiq. book x. c. 2. sec. 20.)

Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. c. 15.

** Ibid. lib. v. c. 16; lib. vii. c. 12; de Martyr. Palest. c. 10. See particularly Bayle, Dict. Hist. Art. Marcionites. Cyprian, who follows Tertullian in considering Martyrdom as a second and efficacious Baptism, excepts Heretics and Schismatics from its advantages: Quale delictum est, quod nec baptismo sanguinis potest abtui? Quale crimen est, quod martyrio non potest expiari? (De Orat. Domin. p. 212, &c.)

See the reasons assigned by Tillemont, Mém. tom. ii. part ii,

p. 188. VOL. XI.

Of the Christian Church

professed. In the second place, persons, even among the Orthodox, who had displayed great resolution in the times of Persecution, betrayed, when danger was in the IInd past, the absence of many virtues, essential to the Century character of a genuine Christian.

It has been, however, too often ascribed to an excess of mistaken zeal that the Christians came in crowds to the Pagan Tribunals to offer themselves as Martyrs to the cause of the Faith which they had embraced. Their conduct may, sometimes, have originated in a desire of forcing upon the minds of the Magistrates the consideration, that Persecution must be at once extensive and unavailing, since the sufferers were not only numerous but resolute, and punishment was not dreaded, but voluntarily encountered. Such self-devotion would, it was expected, appeal to the dictates of common prudence, or the natural sentiments of humanity. During a Persecution in Asia, the Christians appeared in a Body before the Proconsul Arrius Antoninus, who, struck with wonder, exclaimed, Wretched men! if you wish to die, have you not precipices or halters ?" * There are cases, however, which, it must be confessed, if considered abtractedly from the influencing motives, ought to be regarded rather as criminal than as meritorious.

66

66

From A. D. 101.

to

211.

On the Philosophic Gentiles the effects produced Effects of by the Martyrdoms of the Christians were seldom Martyrdom on the Phiof a nature calculated to leave on the mind conviction losophers." of the truth of their Religion. Their fortitude was deemed by some 'obstinacy,"† and was traced by others to the force of "mere habit."+ The Sages, to whom the prospects of a future world were covered with doubts and darkness, were at a loss to conceive how men could submit to pains, which were certain, from the fear of punishments, which were deemed uncertain.§ Since the death of Socrates, || to die for the sake of Truth formed no part of their creed, or of their conduct. Futurity had no hold on their convictions: its influence glimmered, perhaps, in the shades of study, but was suddenly extinguished by active life; its scenes were treated as ideal creations, which the imagination richly lit up with its warmest colours, but which melted away before present realities.

the Chris

But very different were the general results. The General blood of Martyrs was the seed of the Church. We effects of are like grass, exclaimed the Christian Father, which tian Martyr. grows the more abundantly the oftener it is cut doms. down.** The multitude, who saw the Christians mangled and torn, yet unsubdued and almost unmoved, naturally concluded that this supernatural fortitude must proceed from Divine assistance; †† or, at least, that there must be some extraordinary force in the evidence of that Religion, which the most exquisite torments could not prevail on its followers to renounce.

*Tertull, ad Scapul. c. 5. The conduct of these Christians is attributed to intemperate ardour by Mosheim, (de Reb. Christ, ante Const. M. p. 235,) and by Gibbon. (Decline and Fall, c. 16. vol. ii. p. 234.) It is ascribed to a more laudable motive by Lardner, (Heathen Testim. vol. ii.) whose interpretation is supported by Bishop Kaye. (On Tertull. p. 147.) Marc. Anton. lib. xi. sec. 3. Lactant. lib. v. c.2. Epictet. lib. iv. c. 7; lib. viii. c. 45. Min. Fel. c. 8.

From A. D. 101.

to

211.

*

History. While criminals, whose frame was most robust, proved by their cries that they were overcome with pain, the very children and females of the Faithful are represented as enduring their sufferings without a groan." But, while the Martyr was silent, the spectators were sometimes unable to refrain from tears. The Christians were probably the only persons who, when condemned, returned thanks to their Judges, and in the midst of torments wore smiles on their countenances, sang hymns, and rejoiced.§ It was not suprising, therefore, if Martyrdoms were followed by conversions. Martyrolo- The Acts of the Martyrs were carefully preserved and gies. read in the ancient Church. Eusebius informs us that he made a collection of such Acts. It is much to be regretted that this Work is no longer extant. Several Works were destroyed in subsequent Persecutions, and the remaining Martyrologies are so replete with fables, and so affectedly overspread with rhetorical conceits, that it is impossible to ascertain the degree of credit to which they are respectively entitled. The best are generally such as are brief and simple, and abound not in miracles and extraordinary punishments.

Disputes respecting Easter, between the

Asiatic and

Western Christians.

About the middle of the IInd Century a celebrated controversy arose, which, although it turned entirely on a matter of form, was carried on with a degree of violence and acrimony, which would have been unbecoming even on questions of vital importance. At the same time it is right to observe, that much of this intemperance, deeply as it is to be lamented, sprang from a scrupulous attachment to every branch of the Christian system, and an apprehension of the dangers which might grow out of the slightest change in its external regulations.

The dispute related to the proper days on which the Festivals in commemoration of the Death and Resurrection of Christ ought to be observed. The Churches of Europe and Africa kept the Paschal Feast on the night preceding the anniversary of the Resurrection, which was always on a Sunday; and, in defence of this custom, they appealed to the authority of St. Peter and St. Paul. The Asiatic Christians held the Paschal Feast on the fourteenth day of the first month of the Jewish year, at the same time that the Jews eat the Paschal Lamb, and celebrated the day of the Resurrection precisely three days after. And, in support of this practice, they urged the tradition derived from St. Philip and St. John, the Apostles. In consequence, however, of their method two difficulties arose. By this Festival they interrupted the solemn Fast which the other Christians observed during the whole of the great, or Passion Week. And, as the fourteenth of the month fell not on the same day of the week in every year, they were often prevented from celebrating the Resurrection on the first day, or Sunday, in conformity with the usage of the majority of Christians. From this difference sprang

*Lactant. lib. v. c. 13. Cave, Primit. Christ. p. 198. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. c. 15.

Tertull. Apol. c. 46.

Magis damnati quàm absoluti gaudemus. Tertull. ad Scapul. c. 1, &c.

Of the

Church in the II Century

From

A. D 101.

to

211

various disputes. In the reign of Antoninus Pius, Polycarp came to Rome, whereof Anicetus was Bishop, Christia to confer with him on the best means of effecting an agreement. The result of their conference was, that each still retained his opinion, but both resolved to preserve the bonds of charity unbroken. But the example of moderation, which they had set, was afterwards but little imitated. At the close of this century Councils were held by the Bishops in Palestine, Rome, Gaul, and various other places, in which it was unanimously decreed that Easter should be celebrated on a Sunday. Polycrates, Bishop of Ephesus, after having convened the Asiatic Prelates, in consequence of a menacing mandate from Victor, Bishop of Rome, wrote, with their connivance, a spirited Epistle in defence of the practice, which they had always followed, and to which they were determined to adhere. Victor, incensed at their opposition, publicly pronounced the brethren of the Churches of Asia to be wholly excommunicated. The other Bishops, who disapproved of these harsh proceedings, not only used their endeavours to persuade him to adopt a course better calculated to promote peace, unity, and love, but even addressed him in the language of severe censure; a sufficient proof that the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome, though it was advancing by no imperceptible steps, was not at that time acknowledged. Irenæus, in particular, strongly recommended the preservation of mutual charity. These exhortations appear to have been efficacious in arresting the progress of imperious measures, and tranquillity was gradually restored. But the difference of method still continued till the period of the Council of Nice, in the IVth century, when the usage of the Asiatic Churches was condemned, and it was decreed that Easter should be celebrated on the same day throughout the Christian world.*

In this century forged writings were largely cir- Sibyllin culated and injudiciously received by the Christians. Oracles. The most extensive fabrications which they are charged Proofs o with having countenanced, are the Books of the Sibylline their for Oracles. That the eight Books, which still remain, are replete with fables, so gross as to be almost beneath confutation, can hardly be denied. The design, the style, the nature of the verse, the matter, all are calculated to destroy their credibility. The ancient Oracles related to the sacrifices and ceremonies, by which the Romans might appease the anger of the Gods; the modern are filled with vehement declamations against Polytheism and Idolatry: the ancient, as Cicero expressly asserts,† were so extremely vague as

*Considerable confusion has arisen from a want of sufficient attention to the various meanings of the word Pascha. The Christian Writers, posterior to the Council of Nice, use it to signify the day on which Christ rose from the dead, and on which the memory of his tullian, mean by it not merely the day of the Resurrection, but also Resurrection is renewed. But the Ante-Nicene Writers, e. g. Terthe day of the Crucifixiou, and sometimes the whole of Passion week. The true nature of this dispute, which was properly concern→ ing the Celebration of the Paschal Feast, has been explained, with his usual acuteness, by Mosheim, (de Reb. Christ. &c. p. 435-448.) See also Decreti Nicæni de Paschate Explicatio, Chr. G. F. Walchii, in Nov. Commentar. Societ. Reg. Scient. Gottingens. Anre. 1769, tom. i. p. 10-65.

The above account of this dispute is taken from Eusebius, (Hist. Eccles. lib. iv. c. 14; lib. v. c. 24.) See also Epiphan. (Hæres. li.) and particularly Socrates, (Hist. Eccles. lib. v. c. 22.)

+ Callidè enim, qui illa composuit, perfecit, ut, quodcumque accidisset, prædictum videretur, hominum et temporum definitione sublatá. Adhibuit enim latebram obscuritatis, ut idem versus alias in aliam posse accomodari viderentur. (Cic. de Div. ii, c. 54.)

From

A. D.

101.

to

211.

History, to be applicable to any time, place, or circumstance; the modern are unequivocally circumstantial: the ancient were paracrostics, that is, the first verse of every article comprehended all the letters in order that began the following verses;* the modern present no instance of this kind of acrostic, (for even those which are cited in a Speech of Constantine, preserved by Eusebius, are differently constructed :) lastly, the modern Oracles could be written only by a person well versed in the Doctrines of Christianity, and the details of the Evangelists; and, though the different pieces of the collection may have been composed at different times, there is strong internal evidence that some part was written at a period posterior to the year 169 after Christ.† In this collection, some of the Prophecies cited by Justin Martyr, Theophilus Antiochenus, Clemens Alexandrinus, and other writers, are wanting. These Prophecies, however, bear no clear marks of genuineness. It is not our intention to offer the slightest defence of a worthless Work: perhaps the only partial argument, which has any claim to attention, is that, as Augustus sent deputies into various Countries to collect Sibylline verses, it is possible that many Jewish Prophecies, relative to the Messiah, might be incorporated in the colInferences lection. But we wish to guard against the conclusion, to be drawn that the Christians were either eager to promote imposture, or utterly unable to discover it in the Works which they examined. That some person, either with settled malignity to discredit a Sect which he had abandoned, or with injudicious zeal to promote the interests of a party of persecuted men, whose character he revered, should have disgraced himself by inventing these Prophecies, is no improbable conjecture; yet they may have been forged by Pagans.§ A belief was generally entertained pre- that the Sibyl had predicted some extraordinary reign, ection of accompanied by the renovation of the Golden Age. The forgery, minds of all were, therefore, in some degree, prepared for the reception of these Oracles. The Christians appear not to have been universally deceived. Some,

from the

above facts.

Causes

ented the

Cic. de Div. ii. c. 54.

†The last writer is clearly marked in the 5th and 8th Books. He puts into the mouth of the Sibyl that the Roman Empire was to have fifteen kings: the first fourteen are indicated by the numerical value of the first letter of their name in the Greek alphabet. She is made to add, that the fifteenth will be a white-headed man, whose name will be derived from a sea near Rome: the fifteenth is Adrian, so called from the Adriatic Gulf. From him will arise three others, who will rule the Empire together at the same time, but at length one will remain sole possessor. These three scions (xλado) are Anto

ninus, Marcus Aurelius, and L. Verus: allusion is made to their adoptions and partnership. M. Aurelius was sole master of the Empire on the death of L. Verus, at the beginning of the year 169, and he governed without a colleague till 177, when he took Commodus as his partner on the throne. As there is nothing applicable to this new colleague, it is manifest that the compilation was finished between A. D. 169 and 177. (See Fréret, in the Treatise mentioned below.)

1 Some forgeries were made through mistaken zeal. A Priest forged the Acts of St. Paul and Thecla, out of attachment for St. Paul. Tertullian, de Baptism. c. 17. Hieron. de Vir. Illust. ix. See other instances in Daillé, du Vrai Usage des Pères, tom. i. c. 3.

§ Eusebius accuses the Pagaus of forging the Acts of Pilate. Hist. Eccles. lib. ix.c.5.

Of the
Christian
Church

in the IInd Century.

From

A. D. 101.

to 211.

con

however, were certainly ready to admit as true, what, destitute of the leisure, the means of research and comparison, and the critical acumen which later inquirers have possessed, they could not prove to be false, and they believed to be cogent. They urged, therefore, not the whole mass of Prophecies, which is presented to us with all its absurdities concentrated, but scattered parts which were extensively circulated. The Pagan Philosophers, who were themselves so ignorant of the laws of rigid criticism as to cite as genuine the Works fabricated by the later Platonists, under the names of Orpheus, Similar con Musæus, Eumolpus, &c., produced no proofs that the Pagan PhiloSibylline Oracles were forged. Origen challenged sophers Celsus to show that they were a fabrication, and we never hear that the challenge was accepted. The argument was, therefore, popular and plausible. But progress of time probably convinced the Christians that it was false, or at least doubtful. Eusebius, in his Evangelical Preparation, cites the testimony of the Sibyl only after Josephus, and alleges favourable Ora cles only when found in Porphyry, the direct enemy of Christianity. Augustine* grants that these Oracles were exposed to the suspicion of spuriousness, and that it was the part of a writer of sound judgment to confine himself to the testimony of the Jewish Prophecies. In fact, after the establishment of Christianity, their credit fell into merited disrepute.† If, therefore, the authority of the Christians is to be destroyed because many of them were inclined to lay some stress on the Sibylline Oracles, the Book of Mercurius Trismegistus, and Hystaspes, the Epistles between St. Paul and Seneca, and other records, of which they had not the means of demonstrating the spuriousness, the credibility of their Pagan contemporaries must also be rejected, and History becomes but uncertainty and confusion. But experience Remarks on has taught us that men of remarkable acuteness and of forged writ unsullied character, may be grossly imposed upon by ings, and forgeries, and yet be considered as unexceptionable tion of credit witnesses. In the list of names appended to the certi- which a ficate of examination, which pronounced the fabrica- belief in tions of Ireland to be the composition of Shakspeare, we them should may remark the signatures of men whose abilities and produce. integrity were never called in question. The same high character is attached to the defenders of the forgeries of Psalmanazar, of Lauder, and of Chatterton. Muretus Latin verses. So difficult it is to unite to an extensive deceived Scaliger himself by a pretended copy of ancient and accurate knowledge of customs and languages, that fine perception of the delicate shades of style and expression, which results from long experience and peculiar tact.

De Civ, Dei, xviii. 47.

The above line of argument will be found in the observations of M. Fréret, sur les Recueils de Prédictions écrites qui portoient les noms de Musée, de Bacis, et de la Sibylle. Mém. de l'Académ. xxiii. p. 187-212. See also J. Alb. Fabric. Biblioth. Græc. tom. i.; the able work of Blondel, des Sibylles celebrées tant par l'antiquité Payenne que par les Saints Pères, 1649; and Servat. Galleus, in Dissertat. de Sibyllis, &c.

Bayle, Dict, Hist. Art. Trabea.

the diminu-'