From A. D. 193. to 211. Biography, a saying of Augustus, that a Pannonian Army might in ten days appear in sight of Rome, he resolved by a celerity proportioned to the greatness of the occasion, to revenge Pertinax, depose Julianus, and receive the homage of the Senate and People, before his competitors could be apprized of his success, or even of his designs. During the whole expedition, he scarcely allowed himself any time for food or for sleep; marching constantly on foot, and sharing with the meanest of the soldiers all the fatigues and privations incidental to so rapid a movement. Crossing Pannonia and the Alps with unabated speed, he descended into the plains of Italy before it was known that he had left his camp on the Danube. The wretched Didius, whom the revolt of Niger had filled with terror, was still more alarmed when he heard of the insurrection in Illyricum. He thought himself prepared to dispute the Empire with the Governor of Syria; but in the sudden and irresistible invasion of the Pannonian legions, he saw his inevitable fate. He perceived at once, says Spartian, what the consequences would be; predicting that neither himself nor Niger should reign long, but that the supreme power must necessarily fall to the lot of Severus; who, in the exercise of it, he added, would deserve more than either of them, the hatred of the higher Orders, and the detestation of every man in the Empire. But still desirous to protract the term of life and of Government, he implored the Senate to interpose its authority in his behalf, to declare the Pannonian General an enemy to his Country; to induce the soldiers to withdraw from his standard; and to supersede him in his command by the appointment of a successor. Besides these public steps, Didius is said to have had recourse to the more unjustifiable means of assassination; and to have employed for this purpose a Centurion named Aquilius, who had already given proofs of his talent by the murder of several Senators. But the decrees of the Senate and the arts of the asassin were equally disregarded by Severus, who during his march did not once put off his armour, and was, at the same time, constantly surrounded by a chosen band of six hundred devoted soldiers, who never lost sight of his person till they saw him enter in safety the gates of Rome. Julianus, therefore, had no resource, but in the doubtful courage and fidelity of the Prætorians. Fear and shame prevented them from immediately deserting his standard; but they trembled at the name of the Pannonian Legions, commanded by a resolute and experienced General, and rendered hardy by combating with the barbarians on the frozen banks of the Danube. Accustomed to earn their pay by dictating to their masters, rather than by serving them, the corrupted soldiers at Rome could not endure the fatigues of war, to which they had long been disused; for in pursuance of the policy of Augustus, who maintained his active armies on the frontiers, the Guards who surrounded the city had, it is probable, never seen an enemy, and had ceased of course to practise any other tactics, than such as were necessary for the pacific duties of a palace. Dion accordingly informs us, that they were almost entirely ignorant of every military art. The enraged elephants, whose uncouth appearance, it was hoped, would strike terror into the Army of the North, threw their unskilful riders; while the awkward evolutions of the marines, drafted from the fleet of Misenum, were an object of ridicule and contempt and acces As the last expedient which seemed likely to avert the Death of danger with which he was threatened, Didius instructed Julianus, the Senate to appoint Severus his colleage in the Em- sion of pire. But the latter was determined to reign alone, Severus. and accordingly, by means of emissaries, whom he had sent from the Army into Rome, he laboured to seduce the Guards from their allegiance to Julianus; promising that, if they would abandon their pusillanimous ruler, and give up the actual murderers of Pertinax to the punishment which they deserved, he would pardon the rest of their number without farther inquiry. The fickle Prætorians, whose show of resistance was an unwilling tribute which they paid to regard for character, and to their fear of the conqueror, gladly complied with the proposed conditions; surrendered the greater part of the assassins; and made known to the Senate, that they no longer bore arms against the Governor of Pannonia. That body, therefore, immediately assembled at the request of the Consuls, declared the Throne vacant; placed Pertinax among the Gods; and unanimously resolved that Severus should be received as the lawful Sovereign of the Roman People. Julianus, at the same time, was condemned to suffer instant death. A Tribune and some soldiers were commanded to execute the sentence; who, finding the irresolute old man in a private chamber of the Palace, severed his head from his body in the midst of unavailing and unmanly lamentations.t These steps were taken while the new Emperor was Caution yet at a considerable distance from the Capital, and and policy there is no doubt that they proceeded more from the of Severus. terror of his power, than from any affection for his person. Amid their preparations to celebrate his accession, the Roman People could not conceal their suspicions of his character, and their uneasiness at his approach. There was no Order of the inhabitants who had not some cause to dread his anger. The Senate had lately passed against him an intemperate decree; the multitude had unequivocally manifested their preference of Pescennius Niger; and the Prætorians, notwithstanding his secret assurances, could not divest themselves of apprehension in respect to his ulterior designs. Nor was the conduct of Severus calculated to remove their fears; for although the voice of the Senate had declared in his favour, and their hands had already removed the principal obstacle to the gratification of his wishes, he continued to advance in a hostile attitude, and to adopt the same measures, as if he had been passing through the country of an enemy. The result, indeed, proved that his precautions were He disdictated by the intention of effecting a very important bands the object. It was not enough that he had gained the Prætorian suffrages of the Prætorian Guards; he resolved to deprive them of the power of repeating so nefarious a Guards. From A. D. 193. to 211. Biography. transaction, as that which placed Didius on the Throne. For this purpose, he issued an order to those haughty and venal troops, that they should hold themselves in readiness to receive him upon his approach to the City, in a large plain near the walls, without their arms, and only arrayed in the habits of ceremony in which they were wont to attend the Emperor. Their compliance on this occasion arose from their just fears, not less than from a sense of duty; but, as the Roman soldiers never wore offensive armour, except when in the field, or about to engage an enemy, the Prætorians could not reasonably question the peculiarity of the instructions under which they now acted. No sooner, however, were they drawn up in front of the Imperial tent, than the Pannonian Legions advanced with levelled spears, and surrounded their whole Body; upon which, Severus mounted the tribunal, and with a menacing look and angry voice, reproached them in the bitterest terms with the murder of Pertinax, with their shameful behaviour in the sale of the Empire, and particularly with their perfidious and cowardly conduct to the individual, whom they had so unworthily raised to the Throne. He reminded them, that no punishment which he could inflict was adequate to the enormity of their offences, and that it was only out of his great clemency, and from an invincible reluctance to shed the blood of Romans, that he was induced to spare their lives. But as a friend to his Country, he subjoined, he could no longer permit them to retain the important trust which they had so often betrayed; he therefore disbanded them with every circumstance of ignominy, deprived them of their splendid dress and ornaments, and banished them for ever from Rome, adding a solemn declaration, that if any one of their number should be found within a hundred miles of the Capital, he would be instantly put to death.* He enters The Prætorians made no attempt to oppose the exeRome as a cution of this command. Severus, indeed, to prevent conqueror. the effects of any sudden impulse of rage or of despair, had sent a detachment of his Illyrians to occupy their camp, and seize their arms, and thereby to secure the full accomplishment of his patriotic intentions. After this act, which savoured not less of justice than of Political wisdom, he made preparations for his formal entry into the City; which was conducted in a manner, combining so much magnificence with military pomp, as to impress the Citizens with mingled awe and respect. The Army passed the gates in order of battle; displaying Colours, which had witnessed their triumphs over the most formidable enemies of Rome; and carrying the standards of the degraded Prætorians in an inverted position, denoting that those masters of the Imperial Throne had ceased to enjoy power. On the following day he convened the Senators, whom he addressed in a mild and plausible speech; setting forth the motives which had induced him to relinquish the tranquillity of a private station, and to charge himself with the weighty cares of the Commonwealth. He drew the outlines of an excellent plan of Government, which he informed them it was his resolution to pursue on all occasions, with the concurrence and support of the National Council. He praised the gentle administration of Marcus Aurelius, which, he assured them, was to be Spartian. in Sever. Imperator. c. 5—7. Dion Cassius, ubi suprà. Herodian. lib. ii. Spartian. in Nig. et Julian Severus. From A. D. 193. to the model of his own; and in assuming the name of Lucius Pertinax, he gave a pledge that he would likewise re- Septimius vive the wise and temperate policy of that Emperor. He expressed the greatest abhorrence of all arbitrary and tyrannical proceedings; and protested that so far from lending an ear to informers, those enemies of social peace and confidence, he would at all times visit their officiousness with the severest punishments. He even bound himself by an oath, not to take away the life of any Senator without the consent of the whole body, and gave orders that his resolution should be inserted among their decrees; branding with eternal infamy the person and descendents of every individual, whether Prince or Subject, who should be found guilty of violating so humane a statute. 211. His auditors listened with an incredulous silence; Professions the more discerning part of their number being per- of the new fectly convinced, that the real character of Severus, Emperor. which combined cruelty with dissimulation, would soon belie his fair professions. Their fears were soon proved to be too well founded; for no Emperor ever put to death so great a number of Senators, and among others the very Nobleman who, at his desire, moved for the decree which was meant to secure their lives. It was with more unfeigned satisfaction, therefore, that they proceeded to perform the last rites to the memory of Pertinax, whom they had loved, and whose loss they continued to regret. Severus pronounced his Funeral oration with an affecting eloquence, and perhaps with a sincere grief; and, by extolling the virtues which had secured their esteem, he endeavoured to satisfy the Roman People, that in himself they had found a worthy successor to the power and dignity of the Empire. Dion Cassius, who assisted at the ceremony of the Imperial apotheosis, takes pleasure in reciting the minutest details of the Funeral pageant; but Severus, who acted his part in the ritual with becoming gravity, and every suitable demonstration of sorrow, had no sooner discharged a duty, which reasons of State as well as the superstition of his countrymen required at his hands, than he threw aside the Civic robes, and again buckled on his armour. Aware that both Niger and Albinus had entertained He tempohopes of succeeding Didius Julianus, and that the rizes with former, in particular, had been called to the Throne by Albinus, the united voice of the Citizens of Rome, he required him over to and gains not to be told that he would soon have to defend in the a fatal neufield of battle against experienced Generals, the sceptre trality. which he had wrested from the dying hands of a feeble old man. As soon, therefore, as he had appointed his two sons-in-law to the Consulship, and formed a Prætorian Guard out of the most faithful and robust of his Illyrian Cohorts, he turned his thoughts to the necessity of meeting Niger before he should advance into the Italian Provinces. But before he set out from the Capital, he resolved to secure the neutrality of Albinus; who, while the Emperor was engaged in his Eastern war, might have crossed over from Britain, occupied the vacant seat of Empire, and opposed his return even from a successful campaign, with the authority of the Senate, and the force of his unbroken Legions. With this view, he wrote to the British Governor a letter filled with expressions of confidence and attachment; en From A. D. 193. to 211. Biography, treating him to take a share in the burden of Government, and to assume the title of Cæsar, as the next heir to the Crown. Albinus, who was of an open, credulous disposition, allowed himself to fall a victim to the arts of his rival; and forgetful at once of his patriotic professions, and his jealousy of supreme power, he accepted the precarious rank which was offered to him as the reward of his abstinence. Severus, on his part, omitted nothing which could give to his deceitful favour all the appearance of sincerity. He caused the agreement, between him and the Governor of Britain, to be ratified by a decree of the Senate; coined money with the name and impression of the new Cæsar; appointed him his colleague in the Consulship for the ensuing year; ordered statues to be erected to him; and, in a word, granted him all the honours and distinctions which could flatter him into unsuspicion. Till the contest with Pescennius was decided, the crafty Emperor treated the person whom he had doomed to destruction with marks of esteem and regard. Even in the despatch which communicated the news of his victory over Niger, he addressed Albinus as the brother of his soul and of his Empire, and entreated him to preserve the Armies and the Republic faithful to their common interest. But it is added by the same Histo rian who relates the facts now stated, that the messengers who were intrusted with this letter, were desired to accost the Cæsar with respect, to solicit a private audience, and to plunge their daggers into his heart. It was not until Albinus discovered this flagrant instance of perfidy, that he perceived the necessity to which he was reduced of defending himself by arms against the head of the Empire.* He resolves on war with Niger, and gains an advantage troops. In undertaking the war with Niger, the Imperial Commander displayed his usual talent and foresight. He sent a strong body of troops from Illyricum to occupy the most important places in Thrace; equipped over his the fleets at Ravenna and Misenum to convey his Legions into Greece; and even despatched an armament into Africa, in order to keep up a communication between the Capital and those countries on the southern shore of the Mediterranean, whence it derived a large portion of its provisions. It was his intention to carry hostilities into Asia, before Pescennius could have an opportunity of penetrating his designs, or of assembling such an army as might enable him to dispute their execution. But Niger was roused from his dream of confidence sooner than his rival had anticipated; and, summoning his forces at the most convenient station, he passed over into Europe, and established his head-quarters at Byzantium. After a fruitless attempt at negociation, in which it is probable neither party was sincere, the sword was first drawn in the neighbourhood of Perinthus. The action appears not to have been of any farther consequence, than that, as it was begun by the troops of Niger, it afforded a pretext to his wily antagonist, for declaring the Governor of Syria an enemy to his Country. Severus, still convinced that the fate of the Empire must be decided in the Asiatic Provinces, sent his army across the Hellespont. Landing near Cyzicus, they found the enemy prepared to receive them, under the command of Æmilianus the Proconsul. A battle ensued, in which the Generals of Severus * Spartian. ubi suprà. From A. D. 193. to 211. This defeat awakened at once the fears and the resentment of Niger. Stimulated by the desire of revenge, he posted into Bithynia, where he had left a powerful reserve; and collecting the scattered remains Niger's of the army which had fought under Emilianus, he army again resolved to try his fortune once more in the field. The worsted. hostile Generals met near Nicæa. Candidus acted as the Lieutenant of Severus, and Niger commanded his own troops in person. The conflict which followed, is described as having been very obstinate and bloody, but victory at length declared for the Emperor. Pescennius, in consequence of his loss, found himself compelled to relinquish Bithynia, Galatia, and Cappadocia, and to seek a defensive position offered by the strong ground in the neighbourhood of Mount Taurus. The advance of the victorious army was for some time successfully checked by the Syrian Legions, who availed themselves of the natural inequalities of the country to erect works, and to guard the defiles which opened into the plains. A violent storm at length accomplished what the spears of the Illyrian warriors could not effect. The troops of Niger were driven from their strongholds, and forced to continue their retreat through the unprotected fields of Cilicia. This unfortunate Commander meanwhile had raised considerable levies in the Province of Syria; among which were found nearly all the young men at Antioch, who were firmly attached to his person and his cause. Their zeal, however, was not supported by those military qualities which distinguished the veteran Cohorts to whom they were to be opposed; nor rendered effective by that sedulous discipline, which not unfrequently supplies even in young troops the want of experience in actual warfare. Niger chose for his encampment a plain near the city of Issus, not far from the spot whereon Alexander obtained his great victory over the host of Darius. Anulinus and Valerius were Niger denow at the head of the Army of Severus; Officers of feated and slain. high reputation in the service of the Empire, and heartily devoted to the interests in which they were engaged. The conflict which ensued was conducted with much skill and resolution on both sides; and although a professional reader might find many questionable particulars in the account which is given of it by Herodian and Dion Cassius, it admits not of any doubt that victory continued long suspended between the rival Chiefs, and that it did not finally declare in favour of Severus, until more than twenty thousand of his adversaries were cut to pieces. The vanquished leader fled from the field of battle to Antioch, where his mild Government had rendered him very popular; but finding that city in great consternation, he determined, as it was thought, to seek an asylum among the Parthians, to whom, as tributaries or allies of the Roman People, he had found various opportunities of showing kindness. Whatever might be his intentions, the activity of the conqueror prevented him from realizing them; for a party of horsemen, who were sent in pursuit, overtook him before he could pass the Euphrates, slew him • See Dion Cassius, and the Writers of the Augustan History. Biography. on the spot, and cutting off his head, carried it back in triumph to their camp on the Hellespont.* From A. D. 193. to 211. Reduction tium. This signal victory would at once have put an end to the war in the East, had not Byzantium, the only regular fortress at that time on the shores of the narrow sea which divides Europe from Asia, received within its walls the routed adherents of the Syrian Governor. of Byzan- A strong garrison, and a fleet of five hundred ships which anchored in its roads, enabled the city to resist the power of Severus during a blockade of three years. The citizens and soldiers were animated with equal resolution; and as many of the latter despaired of obtaining pardon from the enraged conqueror, they determined to bury themselves in its ruins, rather than fall into his hands. The strength of the place was rendered still more available by the skill of an engineer named Priscus, who employed in its defence all the mechanical powers which were known to the Ancients. But famine at length triumphed over all the resources of art and of courage, and Byzantium, at the end of the third year, was compelled to open her gates to the besiegers. The Magistrates and soldiers were put to the sword, its walls were levelled with the ground, its privileges were withdrawn, and for many years the future Capital of the Empire was known only as an open village, subject to the jurisdiction of Perinthus; and thus, as Dion Cassius remarks, the Roman People sacrificed to the revenge of Severus the only bulwark which then existed to defend their frontiers against the inroads of their Barbarian enemies. I saw it, exclaims that historian, in such a state of ruin and desolation, as would have made any one conclude, that it had been reduced not by Romans but by savages.† Cruelty of Severus. He advan sopotamia. The most ardent among the eulogists of Severus have not ventured to describe him as a generous enemy. The sons of Niger, who with their mother had been detained at Rome as securities for his fidelity, were first driven from the city, and afterwards put to death. The Emperor exercised a similar severity upon all who, whether from necessity or inclination, had taken part with his rival in the Asiatic war; confiscating the estates of individuals, and depriving the free towns of their ancient honours and immunities. Even the common soldiers, dreading his vindictive temper, fled in large bodies into Parthia and the adjoining countries; carrying with them the Arts and discipline of the West, which, as Herodian observes, afterwards proved of great advantage to the Orientals in their wars with the Romans.‡ During the siege of Byzantium, the Emperor emces in Me- ployed his victorious Legions in Syria and Mesopotamia; punishing such States as had supplied auxiliaries to Niger, and impressing the terror of his arms upon all whose faith he had reason to suspect. His main object in crossing the Euphrates, was to carry relief to Nisibis, which had been invested by certain Tribes of Parthians, who, taking advantage of the Civil war, which distracted the councils of the Empire, attempted to expell their invaders from all Provinces eastward of the great river. But History has not preserved any particulars of this campaign possessed of the slightest importance. We are merely told, that after accomplishing a laborious march through the sandy waters of *Dion Cassius, Epitom. Xiphil. p. 312, 313. + Spartian. in Sever. Imperator. c. 8-10. Herodian. lib. iii. Severus. Mesopotamia, he relieved Nisibis, ravaged the neigh- Lucius bouring country, and upon placing a garrison in the Septimius city just named, retraced his steps towards the West, where he had a more formidable enemy to encounter in the person of Albinus. From A. D. 193. to 211. This Commander, it should seem, had continued during the war between Niger and Severus, to repose confidence in the professions of the latter, and to consider himself as his colleague and successor on the Rupture Throne. Dion Cassius relates, that as soon as the withAlbinus Emperor, by his victories over the Governor of Syria, had secured possession of the Crown, he thought proper to withdraw from Albinus the title of Cæsar, as well as all the hopes and dignities which that title conferred. He adds, at the same time, that the British General, not satisfied with an inferior place in the Government, had assumed the rank of Augustus; a step which alarmed the jealousy of Severus, and completed the misunderstanding which had already made too great a progress to be any longer concealed. But this writer does not appear to have believed with Capitolinus and Herodian, that any attempt was made upon the life of Albinus by hired assassins, or that the rupture which took place had its immediate origin in the detection of a plot so atrocious. The ambition of the reigning Prince, perhaps, and his determination to enjoy an undivided power, may be regarded as sufficient motives for the conduct which he adopted towards the Governor of Britain; but on this occasion, as on almost every other emergency whereon he had time for deliberation, he contrived to place his adversary in the wrong, and even to load him with the imputation of the selfish views upon which his own policy was founded.* The writers of the Augustan History, though apparently unacquainted themselves with the actual condition of things which preceded the declaration of war between Albinus and Severus, leave on the mind of their reader a distinct impression, that the former was cajoled by the subtile policy of his more profound antagonist; and that it was not until a struggle for the ascendancy had become altogether hopeless, that he began to perceive the necessity of having recourse to arms. His interest in the Senate was not inferior to that of the Emperor; and he was respected for his noble birth, and beloved for his mild disposition; but the power which the latter had acquired during his victorious career in the East, gave to his Throne such a degree of stability, as must have rendered every attempt to shake it, in the Capital, not less foolish than desperate. Severus had not completed his march from Syria, when the defection of Albinus was announced to him. He appears to have been in Moesia, at a town which Spartianus calls Viminatium, not far from the banks of the Danube; where he immediately conferred the dignity of Cæsar upon his eldest son, Bassianus, whose name he at the same time changed into Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. He likewise assembled his Army, and made them acquainted with the resolution which had been adopted by the Governor of Britain; against whose ingratitude and treachery he inveighed in the most poignant language. To animate their zeal still farther against the enemy of their country, he distributed amongst them a large donative; assuring them that greater rewards awaited them, when they * Capitol. in Albin, c. 12, Biography, should have put an end to their warlike toils, by the easy conquest of the British Legions. From A. D. 193. to 211. solves to Before Severus could reach Rome, Albinus had already advanced into the southern parts of Gaul, and was meditating the invasion of Italy. To prevent the native Provinces of the Empire from being stained with Civil blood, the former Chief sent forward a detachment Albinus re- of his Army with the utmost speed, to occupy the passes Contend for of the Alps, and thereby to check the advance of his the Empire. adversary. He himself with the main body followed without delay; setting, as usual, an example of every military virtue, and infusing into the breasts of his men a degree of ardour which no difficulty or danger could repress. By this rapid movement, he defeated the design of Albinus, who probably wished to contend for the Empire in the presence of the Roman People, and to afford to his friends in the City an opportunity of expressing their attachment to his cause, in a more efficient manner than by secret wishes and useless prayers. Grief and Sons of the People, on apprehen war. In the meantime, says Dion Cassius, who was himself a Member of the Senate, the preparations for a new Civil war struck the inhabitants of Rome with the the renewal deepest sorrow and alarm. Among so great a number of the Civil of noble and wealthy individuals, there were many dif ferent interests, and as many different sentiments. Of the Senators, some remained inactive, waiting the issue of events, and ready to bestow their allegiance upon the conqueror; others, attached by particular ties to Severus or Albinus, shared the fears and hopes of the two competitors. The common people, whose families were drained of their youth to fill the ranks of the contending Legions, gave way to lamentation and despondency; and although supplied with the usual number of public entertainments, their eyes were blind, and their ears were deaf to every thing which did not connect itself with the great stake which was about to be decided on the plains of Gaul. At the Circensian Games, where Dion was present in his official capacity, instead of cheering the performers or shouting upon the success of their favourite coursers, the multitude filled the air with prayers for the safety of the State, and with wailings for the thousands of precious lives, which were doomed to fall victims to the insatiable spirit of discord and of ambition." The two Generals take the field. 4. D. 197. Battle near which Abious is The war which ensued was not very protracted in its duration, nor diversified by a great number of events. A few skirmishes took place between detached parties of the two main armies, in which the troops of Albinus had generally the advantage. Dion Cassius mentions, in particular, an action in which Lupus, one of the Generals who served under Severus, was defeated with considerable loss. But the fortune of the Commanders was decided in a great battle, fought between Lyons and Trevoux, wherein both of them conducted their Legions in person. The valour and professional skill of the troops on either side were equally distinguished; but the Illyrians, it was thought, enjoyed the benefit of greater talents, and a more varied experience in the person of their leader. The victory was most obstinately disputed, and reLazdanum, mained a long time doubtful. The left wing of Albinus's army, indeed, was soon repulsed and pursued to defeated. the camp; but the right wing, at the same moment, not only kept its ground, but inflicted upon its enemies a severe defeat, and nearly wrested the triumph • Dion Cassius, Epitom. Xiphilin. p. 321. VOL. XI. Lucius From A. D. 193. to 211. from the hands of the Emperor. In this extreme danger, Severus hastened to the relief of his men at the Septimius head of his stout Prætorians; but, at the first, so far Severus, from restoring the current of success, he saw his Guards cut in pieces, and had his own horse killed under him, Undismayed by this disaster, he rallied the fugitives by his authority and example, placed himself in their front, and advanced sword in hand against the British cohorts, determined to check their progress, or to die at their feet. The conflict was thus resumed with the utmost fury; shame and despair inflamed the courage of the Imperial Legions, while the conquerors, who, through eagerness to complete their advantage and secure the victory, had fallen into some confusion, were not able to withstand the renewed assault. Still the fortune of the field continued in suspense, until Lætus, who commanded the cavalry of Severus, made a vigorous charge upon the wavering line of the enemy, and completed their disorder. This officer is represented by Dion as having declined, in the early part of the day, to take any share in the action; being desirous that the two rivals should destroy one another, and make room for his own pretensions to the supreme authority, should the Throne become vacant. But when he saw that Severus must ultimately prove conqueror, he resolved to redeem his character from the imputation of criminal inactivity, and by a decisive stroke recommend himself to the master of the Roman People. His rapid onset produced the effect which he contemplated. The soldiers of Albinus could no longer keep their ground; but being routed at all points, they sought refuge within the walls of Lugdunum, the ramparts of which resisted for a time the impetuosity of the victors.* The unfortunate General found a temporary shelter He puts in a private house near the banks of the Rhone. Con- himself to vinced that his affairs were in a hopeless condition, and unwilling to expose himself to the vindictive temper of Severus, he resolved to put an end to his life. Employing for this purpose either his own hand, or that of a slave, he had nearly expired, when a party of horsemen discovered his retreat, cut off his head, and carried it to the conqueror, who immediately sent it to Rome. The indignities which he committed upon the corpse of his rival, have left a deep stain on the memory of Severus. He trod it under the feet of his horse, and then gave orders to throw it in the river. In like manner, after having put to death the wife and children of Clodius, he interdicted the honours of burial. death. No motives of Policy can justify such conduct; for Cruelty of although the flames of Civil war have on many occa- Severus, sions been extinguished by the blood of the vanquished, a generous enemy does not extend his revenge to the dead bodies of his opponents, and more particularly to those of women and children. Nor was Severus incapable of repressing his resentment, for until the final decision of the contest, his cruelty was in a great measure restrained by the uncertainty of the event, as well as by the reverence which he pretended to bear for the Senate. But no sooner did he find himself securely seated on the Throne by the victory of Lugdunum, than the head of Albinus, accompanied with a menacing Letter, announced to the Romans, that he was resolved to spare none of the adherents of his unfortunate competitor. He was irritated by the just suspicion, that he had never possessed the affections of the higher Orders Dion Cassius, Epitom. Xiphilin. p. 324. Spartian. in Sever. c. 11. Capitolin. in Clod. Albin, c. 9. C |