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History. apparent splendour of his character hecomes immea- which the earlier Barbarian invaders had inflicted on France; surably enhanced by a contrast with the darkness which the first.

Germany, From surrounds it.

Whatever errors may le fairly imputed to the mili- Italy, &c. Considering him merely as a conqueror, it would not tary conduct and judgment of Charlemagne as a con768.

From perhaps be difficult to detract largely from the fame of queror, are deeply aggravated when we view them in his exploits and the wisdom of his policy. It has been connection with his intolerant and sanguinary bigotry.

768. objected against the originality of his merit, that he did no With the furious zeal of a Barbarian, he outraged the 814. Estimate of

more than conquer with the means which the two heroes gentle spirit of Christianity, when he attempted the forhis achiere of his race who preceded him had prepared and be- cible conversion of the Saxon idolaters; and true Religion 814.

queathed to his hand: but neither were the most celebrated and policy must equally condemn the cruel and inju- His Religi.
conquerors of the ancient and modern world, Alexander, dicious violence which substituted the horrors of perse- ous intole
the first two Cæsars, Mahomet II., Charles XII., and cution for the persuasive truths of the Gospel. The rance
Napoleon, any more than Charlemagne, the absolute cre- laws of a conqueror who punished the refusal of Bap-
ators of the military power which they wielded. There is tism, the relapse to Paganism, and even the eating of
more justice in the remark that it was the fortune of flesh during Lent, with the penalty of death, degrade
Charlemagne never to encounter an antagonist worthy of the bigotry of Charlemagne even below the ignorant
his arms, or equal in strength, discipline, and union to ferocity of Clovis, or the fanatical proselytism of the
the contest with his troops. Enemies utterly incapable Koran. The perpetual revolts of the Saxons were
alike of singly resisting the force of his Empire or of con- chiefly provoked by these atrocious edicts; and the
federating for their mutual defence, were easily subjugated Capitularies of Charlemagne offer a sufficient explana-
in detail by his numerous armies. It extremely depre- tion for tħe obstinate resistance of that people, and an
ciates the value of his achievements, that his best tro- eternal reproach to his own memory. Nor, without

and cruel
phies were torn only from the degenerate Lombards, even the same excuse of a mistaken zeal for Religion,
the barbarous Saxons and Huns, and the disunited was he incapable of yet greater cruelties in the unscru- the Saroos.
Saracens of Spain; and both his martial genius and pulous gratification of his ambition ; and both the fate
his glory are heavily impeached in his disgraceful and of his broiber's children and the shocking massacre of

unrevenged defeat by the mountaineers of Gascony. the Saxon thousands in cold blood, are paralleled only and policy

The policy which directed the arms of Charlemagne, by the worst atrocities of a Tartarian despot.

and the theatre of their employment, has been as freely These excesses of Religious and Political cruelty are Contrast of queror. questioned as the merits of his success.

It has natu- the deep shades in the bright character of Charlemagne : wisdon, and rally excited the surprise of Historians, that he ahan- the darkening vices of a great nature which, though far benevolence

in his Civt doned the brilliant completion of his rich conquests in from sanguinary by temperament or in wantonness,

administra Italy and Spain, to consume thirty labcrious campaigns could scarcely be expected to escape from the conta- tion. in the forests and wilds of Germany and Pannonia. gious influence of a superstitious and ferocious Age. There can be little doubt that it would have needed It: the judgment of more humane and enlightened far inferior efforts to extend his Empire over the whole times, it requires nothing less than the benevolent of those two Southern Peninsulas of Europe, than he attributes of his Civil administration to redeem the wasted in the barren consummation of his victories offences of his ambition and bigotry: but, even in anaover the Saxons. The weakness of the Greek Empire lyzing his crimes, we ought at once to lose their remust have delivered its Provinces of Southern Italy an membrance, when we compare the benefits of his reign easy prey to the Frankish arms: the fatal dissensions with the previous and subsequent misery of Europe. of the Saracens in Spain offered a splendid prize to his Seldom has the violent acquisition of power been ambition. Nor, if his strong but misdirected anxiety equally sanctified by its use; and posterity has done for the propagation of Christianity be held to account justice to the merit of Charlemagne, when it has rested for his perseverance in the Saxon wars, is his indiffer- his greatness chiefly on the qualities which were least ence to the pursuit of his Spanish conquests the more appreciated in his own times, and conceded to his explicable : since his Religious zeal and his thirst of legislative labours for the public happiness, liis encouglory might have been equally gratified, and his ambi- ragement of pacific Arts, and his protection of Learning, tion would have been more highly rewarded, by the the renown which it detracts from his sanguinary conexpulsion of the Infidels from one of the wealthiest and quests and persecuting fanaticism. most ancient Kingdoms of Christian Europe. It has In the Civil administration of Charlemagne, however, Delects of been ingeniously suggested that, in his expeditions be- some prominent faults are readily discernible. His his govertyond the Rhine and the Elbe, Charlemagne perhaps legislation extended only to the wants of his own

ment. aspired to save his Monarchy from the fate of the immediate reign; and the unsettled Constitution of Roman Empire, to tame the enemies of civilization, his Empire, neither provided for the stability of its and to oppose a rampart to the North against the future foundations, nor secured the fabric of Society beyond torrent of the Barbarian migrations. But this defence the term of his own life. Though he frequently conof a policy,—which, besides, is only imagined in the voked the National Councils of the Franks, he neither opinion, without being supported by any contemporary organized any vigorous system for perpetuating an abdeclaration of the purpose,—is rather plausible than solute Monarchy, nor dictated any plan for the imjustified by the event. The futility of the precaution provement and composition of those Representative would be signally exposed in the subsequent devasta- Assemblies which are the essence of all free Governtions of the Norman pirates ; and the Northern con- ments. While his sons lived, he even intended the quests of Charlemagne could not extinguish, if they did continuance of that custom of partition which had proved first rouse, the fierce energies of the Scandinavian race, the ruin of the Merovingian Monarchy; and his sagawho mercilessly lacerated anew the Provinces of the city was not displayed in any effort to prevent the dissecond Western Empire, with the same fatal wounds solution of his ill-cemented Empire.

From A. D. 768.

to A. D. 814.

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to A. D

History.

But the most striking Political error of his Govern- his moral infirmities were associated with all the finer France, ment was the encouragement which he gave to the and better feelings of our nature. But it is his intel- Germany,

Italy, &c. power of the Clergy. In this he was doubtless actu- lectual tastes and occupations in the midst of the coarse ated by the most magnanimous trait in his character and brutalizing ignorance of Society, which most grace- From that respect for intellectual superiority, which led him fully redeem his subjection to the common vices of his to cherish an Order who engrossed all the knowledge station and times. His own education was defective 7768. of the times. His esteem for Learning, the reinains of and late ; and he was indebted to perpetual and labo

which they alone possessed, his anxiety for the support rious study in his mature years, and even in old age, Patronage of of Religion and the advancement of civilization, and his for the sum of bis acquirements. As a scholar, these 814. the Clergy. conviction of his own strength, might all impel him to were not perhaps great, even in comparison only with His intel.

select the Clergy for the most intelligent, virtuous, and the most erudite of his contemporaries: but the solicit- lectual pliant instruments of his designs. But this generous ations and liberality with which he attracted men of acquireconfidence had some fatal effects for his own posterity, Learning and merit to his Court, and the delight which ments. and the independence of Society. It gave to an ambi- he took in their conversation, show his eagerness to tious Hierarchy the future means of subjugating the repair his own deficiencies, and explain the mode in Thrones of Europe to their influence : the Imperial which he improved his knowledge. Eginhart celesupremacy which restrained the pretensions of the brates his familiar command of Latin, his ready perusal Ecclesiastical Order expired with the genius of Charle- of Greek, and his acquaintance with the chief Sciences, magne; the extravagant pretensions of the Romish such as they were, of the times : Grammar, Rhetoric, Church, if not also of the Papacy itself, were in a great Logic, and Astronomy. The fluent eloquence with which degree of his creation; and the despotism which the these acquirements were displayed might be a natural Bishops established over the temporal affairs of the gift ; a quick apprehension probably enabled him to Empire almost immediately after his death, may clearly gather most of what he knew from oral communication; be traced to the share in Civil administration which hc and we are astonished by the plain testimony of Eginhad habituated them to exercise.

hart to his ignorance even of the mechanical rudiments His domes. In estimating the private character of this great of writing, which it was the laborious and imperfect due and pera Prince, the same large allowance is to be made for the effort of his latter years to acquire.* But the illus

manners of the times, which is demanded in the con- trious qualities and accomplishments of Charlemagne sideration of his public conduct. The licentiousness of are not to be measured by the pedantry of the Schools. his domestic life, the unscrupulous divorce of nine In whatever point of view we regard his intellectual wives, and the unrestrained indulgence of innumerable character, we shall find it still surrounded with all the General amours, are sufficient stains upon his morals: without originality and lostiness of a truly great mind : his grandeur the aggravated charge of an incestuous passion, which errors and vices were those of his Age, his talents and and eleva

tion of his appears to have had no other foundation than in the virtues were his own.t

mind. popular mistake of some modern writers.* The frugal economy of his Imperial household, and the temperate * The fond zeal of the good Benedictines (Hist. Litt. de France) simplicity of his own habits in apparel and diet, which for the memory of so illustrious a patron of Letters has tempted them Eginhart, his Secretary and Biographer, has minutely his

Imperial master“ tentavit scribere, &c. ut manum effingendis literis

to disregard the plain confession of Eginhari, (Vita Car c. 25.) that described, may be favourably contrasted with these

assuefaceret. Sed parum prosperè successit labor præpusterus et grosser propensities, though they will not extenuate serà inchoatus.' their scandal ; and his amiable and generous qualities + The most elaborate view of the life, Empire, and character of as a parent, a master, and a friend, at least prove that

Charlemagne is to be found in the Work of Gaillard, (4 vols. 12mo.)

besore quoted. But it errs in the usual partiality of biography. An This error has strargely originated in a palpable misinterpreta- Gibbon, c. 49.- who cannot forgive the memory of t).c Emperor for

opposite fault may be objected to the otherwise masterly sketch of tion of a passage in Eginhart, Vila Car. c. 19. which indeed gently

his support and elevation of the Church. The industrious and imparjosinuates, in no very enigmatical language, not the infamy of the fatber, but the scandalous reputation of his daughters,

tial Schmidt (Hist. des Allemands, vol. ii.) is here a safer guide than either the French Biographer or the English Historian.

quali

HISTORY.

CHAPTER LII.

OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH, FROM THE DEATH OF JULIAN, A. D. 363, TO THE END

OF THE IVth CENTURY.

History

From

From A. D. 363.

to A. D. 400.

to

We now resume the thread of Ecclesiastical History, secute either the Sectaries or the Pagans.* He granted Of the which, as yet, has not guided us beyond the death of a full and free toleration to all Religious opinions and Christian Julian. During his short reign, and, indeed, in the all modes of worship, and he showed a sincere desire Church, &e. whole intermediate period, from the accession of Con- to allay Religious animosity,t and to promote peace stantine, the external History of the Church is so inter- and unity in the Church. #

A. D mingled with Civil and Political History, that we have Valentinian, whose great qualities as a Sovereign and

363. thought it more convenient to treat them together than a legislator were strangely contrasted with the natural separately. In the present Chapter we propose to offer violence and ferocity of his disposition, stcadily pursued A. D. a rapid sketch of the chief outward events affecting the the temperate and judicions policy of his predecessor, 400. fortunes of Religion for the few remaining years till the He, indeed, severely prohibited the nocturnal sacrifices Valentinian close of the IVth century; and we shall afterwards, in pure of the Pagans, and magical incantations, and occasionally His Religisuance of the system which we have heretofore adopted, restrained those Sectaries & who were reputedly guilty ous modera. review the chief Ecclesiastical Writers and Heresies of flagrant immorality, or obnoxious as disturbers of the

A. D. who adorned or distracted the Christian Church in the public peace. But, with these few exceptions, he al

364. whole course of the same century. It is only necessary lowed the free exercise of Religious worship to all, to premise, that if we here speak of certain Heresies not extending the equal protection of the Law to Heretics, yet noticed, as if the reader were already familiar with Jews, and Heathens.|| In consequence of this mothem, this anticipation, which is, indeed, a matter of deration, and of the Emperor's strict and vigorous necessity, must neither surprise him, nor create a sus- administration of the Laws, the Western Churches, genepicion that ought is omitted. A full account of the rally speaking, were little disturbed by the Religious doctrines of the Arians and of the disputes excited by animosities or rancorous Persecutions, so disgraceful to them will be given under the head of Heresies. They the reign of Constantius. I bear such a prominent part in the transactions of this period, that it would be difficult to avoid all

mention of the worship of idols

, and this statement is adopted by many modern

* Theodoret (lib. v. c. 21.) represents Jovian as having interdieted
ihem in writing the external History of the Church. Ecclesiastical Historians. But Themistius, a contemporary Orator,

Jovian, the successor of Julian, a zealous Christian, and himself a Heathen, positively asserts the contrary ; and his testi-
conducted himself with great temper and moderation mony is quoted, and not contradicted, by Socrates,
in Ecclesiastical affairs. He lost no time in restoring the knowledge of his pacific sentiments, brought about the Synod of

+ It is probable that either the direct influence of the Emperor, or
the free exercise of the Christian Religion, and in abo. Antioch, in which a sort of reconciliation took place between the
lishing the Laws enacted by Julian to degrade and Anomæan party of Acacius of Cesarea, and the Catholics who ad-
oppress the Sacerdotal Order. He restored the privi- hered to Meletius, Bishop of Antioch. The former agreed to receive
leges and immunities of the Church, placing it in nearly the definitions of the Nicene Council, and the latter abated something
the same condition in which it had been left hy Con- of their rigour respecting the use of the term consubstantial. The
stantine. He recalled the Prelates banished during the Meletius and his friends were stigmatized as Semi-Arians and Mace-

consequence was that the sincerity of the Acacians was doubtful, and
preceding reign. He manifested his attachment to the donians.
Orthodox Believers in the Trinity by the attention which I For a more detailed account of Jovian's proceedings, the reader
he paid to the illustrious Athanasius, who became his is referred to Socrates, lib. iii. c. 24, 25. Sozomen, lib. vi. c. 3, 4, 5.

Theodoret, lib. iv. c. 144.
principal adviser on the affairs of the Church; and by

§ Particularly the Manicheans and the Donatists, the former of checking the petulance* of the Arians when they per- whom were accused of licentiousness, and of practising magical intinaciously attempted to regain the ascendancy lost since cantations at their secret meetings. The Donatists were regarded, not the time of Constantius. But, though decidedly Or- only as rebels against the Civil authority, but as guilty of sacrilege in thodox, he wisely and magnanimously forbore to

rebaptizing the members of a different communion.

Policy of Jovian.

A. I. 363.

per

11 After the death of Julian, the Heathen Temples were often attacked, and sometimes demolished in popular tumulls. Valentinian

allowed guards to be stationed for their protection, and at the same * Some original documents, containing a curious account of the time consulted the feelings of his Christian subjects by forbidding any conferences between Jovian and the Arian deputies from Alexandria, Christian soldier to be employed in that service. are inserted in the Ild volume of the Works of Athanasius. Compare Socrates, lib. iv. c 1. Sozom. lib. vi. c. 6. Theodoret, lib. iv. Bleterie, Histoire de Jovien, tom. i. p. 138—147.

c. 6.

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History.

The Church of Rome was at this time peaceably go- tized, he is said to have solemnly sworn, at the instiga- of the

verned by Liberius, who, after his return from banish- tion of that Prelate, to exert all his power in favour of Christian From ment, retracted his profession of Arianism and his con- the party espoused by him, and to the prejudice of demnation of Athanasius, and adhered steadfastly to the Catholicisın. It does not appear that he molested the

From 363.

Orthodox party. That party, superior in numbers, and Pagans, or even the Heretics ; but all who adhered to
no longer oppressed by the tyranny of Constantius, or the Nicene* opinions were exposed to a severe Perse-

363. the insidious policy of Julian, speedily regained the cution. At Constantinople, and in many other places, 400.

ascendancy.* 'On the death of Liberius, a violent the churches were forcibly taken away from the OrthoAfiaires of and disgraceful conflict arose between two rival candi- dox and transferred to the Arians. Meletius, Bishop of the Church

400. of Rome.

dates for the vacant See, hitherto unexampled in the Antioch, Eusebius of Samosata, Gregory of Nyssa, and Sept. 24, annals of Christian Rome, though by no means uncom- many other Catholic pastors, were banished, and the

366. mon in later Ages. Damasus, a Spaniard by birth, was most arbitrary measures were employed to force persons Schism be elected to succeed Liberius, an election made, it ap- of every age, sex, and condition to abjure their Faith. tween Da.

pears, in due form and with the sanction of the public In Cappadocia those measures were opposed, with Ursicious,

authorities; but a considerable party in the Church, some degree of success, by the zeal and activity of dissatisfied with his character and with his conduct Basil, Bishop of Cesarea, and his friend Gregory Naziduring the Arian Persecution, protested against his ap- anzen; the high character and firm and intrepid conpointment, and elected one Ursicious in opposition to duct of both of whom commanded the respect, or excited him. The Præfect Juventius endeavoured to put a stop the awe of the Emperor, and procured them an indulto those irregular proceedings ; upon which a popular gence which was granted to few. At Alexandria, also, commotion was excited, and a number of the friends of Athanasius was protected from the Imperial officers by Ursicinus assembled in the Basilica of Sicininus. There their fear of a popular commotion; and during his life they were attacked, and many cruelly massacred by the his followers experienced comparatively little molesta- A. D. armed partisanst of Damasus. _The popular fury on tion. After his death, the Arians, supported by the 373. both sides was so great, that the Præfect was compelled Præfect Palladius, forcibly introduced Lucius, a man to provide for his safety by leaving the city; nor could previously conspicuous by his rancorous opposition to the tumult be quelled but by the utmost exercise of Im- Athanasius, into the vacant See. Peter, who had been perial authority. The victory remained with Damasus;ť appointed to it by the unanimous consent of the Cathohis election was confirmed; and the rival Pope, with lics, was imprisoned ; all the Clergy who espoused his many of his abettors, was banished from Rome. With cause were banished; and throughout Egypt innumerathis exception, the tranquillity of the Western Churches ble acts of cruelty and oppression were exercised upon experienced no material interruption during the reign those who adhered to the Nicene doctrines, especially of Valentinian, and Christianity continued to make the Monks, whose zealous opposition to Arianism + silent but rapid advances, both in the Roman Provinces rendered them peculiarly obnoxious. and among the independent Barbarians. By the vigor- The Arians might, perhaps, have been more sue. Want of ous, and, in the main, judicions enactments of Valen- cessful in their efforts to secure a complete ascendancy unity among tinian, the prosperity of the Western Church was greatly if they had not been weakened by their own dissensions, the Arians. promoted, and inereased dignity and importance were Their numerical strength was greatly increased by the attached to the Christian profession.

accession of the Goths I of Mæsia and Thrace, who, as Very different was the condition of the Eastern secutes the Churches under the rule of Valens, brother to Valen

• A copious, and, probably, somewhat exaggeraled account of the tinian, but resembling him in nothing but his faults. sufferings of the Orthodox under Valens, is given by Socrates, lib. iv. A proselyte to the opinions of Eudoxius, the Arian c. 4. et seq., Sozom. lib. vi, c. 6. et seq., and particularly by TheoArchbishop of Constantinople, by whom he was bap- doret, lib. iv. c. 22-36.

Valens per

+ Gibbon (vol. iv. c. 25.) extenuates the Persecution of Valens,

and tries to make it appear that bis ageuts often exceeded their mas• Liberius, in his Epistle to those Eastern Bishops who renounced ter's instructions and intentions. In such matters it is almost impos. Macedonianism and Semi-Arianism, (apud Socrat. lib. iv. c. 12) sible to discriminate between the portion of blame due to an arbitrary represents all the Western Bishops as having disavowed the profes. monarch, or to his advisers and agents; but the maxim, Qui facit sion of Rimini, and embraced the doctrine of the Nicene Council. per alterum, facit per se, seems as justly applicable to Princes as to This, however, must be understood with some limitation, as the im- persons of an inferior class. It is certain that many severities were portant See of Milan was then, and for some time, after occupied by exercised against the Catholics, of which the rigorous prohibition of the Arian Prelate Auxentius. In the year 364, Hilary, Bishop of their Religious worship was not the least. It is no less certain that Poitiers, had a vigorous contest with Auxentius, endeavouring to prove Valens often intersered personally in the controversy in a busy medthat he was a Heretic, and uoworthy of the situation which he held. dling manner; and the character given of him by the impartial MarBut Valentinian, to whom the matter was referred, being either de- cellinus, who represents bim as in crudelitatem proclivum, subagrestis ceived by an ambiguous Confession of Faith drawn up by Auxentius, ingenti, injuriosum, iracundum, criminantibus sine differentia veri et or resolved to preserve a strict impartiality in those contests, not only falsi facilè patenlem, would not lead us to suppose that he greatly maintained him in the possession of his See, but ordered Hilary to disapproved of the cruelties inflicted in his name on a Budy of men quit Milan.

who thwarted bis views and inclinations ; but rather make us suspect † Jo a petition presented to the Emperor by two Presbyters of the that, on some occasions, his direct share in them was greater than party of Ursicinus, it is asserted that Damasus marched in person to Gibbon is willing to admit. the attack, at the head of his Clergy and a body of hired Gladiators, The time of the first conversioa of any considerable portion of and that of a hundred and sixty dead bodies which were found, not the Goths to Christianity, and the immediaie occasion of their emone belonged to his party. This accusation excites the choler of bracing farianism, are so variously stated by the Ecclesiastical HisioBaronius, and is discreetly passed over in silence by Fleury and other rians, that it is difficult to arrive at any certain conclusion on those Roman Catholic Historians. The reflections which the Heathen points. The different accounts of the ancient writers are industri. Ammianus Marcellinus takes occasion from this iucident to make on ously brought together by Mascon, Geschichte der Teutschen, book vii. the ambition, luxury, and worldly-mindedness of the Roman Pontiffs, sec. 39, 40. p. 317-322. However, there seems no reason for double are too well known to need quoting.

ing that many of them embraced the Christian Faith early in the IVth Socr. lib. iv c. 29. Sozom. lib. vi. c. 23. Ammian. Marcellin. century; that about A.D. 372, the Pagan King of the Visigoths, lib, xxvii, c. 13.

Athanaric, instituted a severe Persecution against many of bis sub

Catholics.

A. D.

to

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A. D.

History. it is said, through the influence of their Bishop, Ul. tolerated, were subjected to various vexatious restric- or the

philas, embraced the doctrines of Arius in the time of tions; their Priests were deprived of many privileges Christian Froin Valens, and by their subsequent conquests disseminated and exemptions, hitherto enjoyed by them ; and plain Church, &c them through a great part of Western Europe. But indications were given that the liberal policy observed

From 363. the divisions *

among them were almost infinite, and by Jovian and Valentinian was about to be succeeded (though frequently relating only to minor points of doc- by a very different system.

363. trine) effectually prevented all unanimity and concert It was reserved for Theodosius, a Prince of greater 400.

in their proceedings. Many of the Semi-Arians and talents and energy than Gratian, but acting upon the Macedonians were so jealous of the ascendancy of the same maxims, and under the influence of the same advis. 400. pure Arians, that rather than hold any communion withers, to carry this change into effect. Immediately after Policy and

them, they chose to reunite themselves to the Catholics.f his baptism, * his zeal for the Catholic doctrines displayed legislation and EunoThe Eunomians were at variance with all other sects, itself in a series of intolerant enactments against Here- of Theodo.

sius. miaus. and even among themselves; so that though Valens tics.f On his arrival at Constantinople, where Arianwas able for a time to harass and depress the Orthodox, ism had predominated ducing forty years, Demophilus,

379. he could not organize his own party, composed of such the successor of Eudoxius, was immediately required to discordant materials, into a compact and permanent embrace the Nicene Faith, or renounce his Bishopric. society.

As he refused to change his principles, he, and the Religious Gratian, the son and successor of Valentinian, though Clergy who adhered to him, were expelled from the liberty

of a mild and pacifie disposition, did not exercise his city. Gregory Nazianzen, who, upon the death of greatly

father's impartiality in Religious matters. Imbued by Valens, had come to take charge of the oppressed and abridged by Gratian.

St. Ambrose, f Bishop of Milan, with a strong attachment scattered Catholicst of Constantinople, was chosen to

to the Catholic Faith, and, perhaps, with something of an fill the vacant See, by the arbitrary interposition of the 367. intolerant spirit, he soon showed a disposition to circum- Emperor, rather than by a regular canonical appoint

scribes the liberty hitherto enjoyed by the Sectaries. He ment. The Sectaries were prohibited from holding any appears, indeed, to have tolerated the Arians ; || but the Religious assembly within the walls of towns, and a Eunomians, the Photinians, and the Manichæans were cominission was issued, by which the Imperial officers prohibited from holding any public Religious assembly; were empowered to eject them from the churches which and the Donatists were commanded to surrender all the they had usurped, and to reinstate the Catholics. This churches in their possession to the Catholics, and for mandate was rigidly enforced, and, shortly after, the bidden, under severe penalties, even to hold any private Heretics were forbidden to consecrate Bishops, or to conventicle. When the death of Valens placed Gratian erect places of Worship, either in the cities or the at the head of the Eastern Empire, the exiled Prelates country. Little opposition was made to these sweeping were immediately recalled; and though not immediately measures. In many districts the Arians were in an hurestored to their lost dignities and emoluments, espe- miliating minority ; in others, where their numbers cially where the Arians were numerous and powerful, were greater, they were so divided into factions, as to it was not difficult to perceive that such a measure was be incapable of unity of purpose. Their Religious in contemplation. The Pagans, ** though nominally principles, moreover, were but ill calculated to support.

them in the hour of trial.il They were dispersed and jects on account of their attachment to it; and that their lapse into intimidated, and gradually conformed to the established Arianism took place during the reign of Valens.

system ; and thus the public profession of that doctrine,
* Socrates, lib. v. c. 20—24.

once triumphant throughout the Roman Empire, was
† This reconciliation, perhaps more apparent than real, took place suppressed almost without a struggle.
in tho year 365, chiefly through the influence of Eustathius of Sebaste,

While Theodosius, in the East, thus endeavoured to conduct of whose subsequent conduct made it appear that he acted more from

Ambrose policy than conviction, on this occasion.

Upon the death of Auxentius, A. D. 374, Ambrose, who was then * Theodosius was baptized in the beginning of the year 380, at Governor of the Province, was chosen to succeed him by popular ac- Thessalonica, by Ascholius, Bishop of that place. The famous Law, clamation. Though a layman, and not even baptized at the time of Cunctos populos," which declares the Faith professed by Pope Dahis election, he applied himself so zealously to his new profession, masus and Peter of Alexandria to be the only true one, and every that he quickly surpassed most of his contemporaries, and became, departure from it to be impious and heretical, was promulgated a few through his talents, and his influence with the Emperors, the great days after. Sozom. lib. vii. c. 4, and compare Cod. Theodus. lib. xvi. arbiter of the affairs of the Western Churches. It is easy to perceive tit. 1. 1. 2. De Fide Catholicâ. that the authority of the Bishops of Rome was very insignificant com- + The Theodosian Code (lib. xvi. tit. 5. De Hæreticis) contains pared with that exercised by Ambrose.

not fewer than fifteen rigorous Constitutions by this Emperor against Sozom. lib. vii. c. 1.; and for Gratian's Laws against Heretics, the various denominations of Sectaries. see Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 5.1. 4, 5.

The exercise of the Catholic worship had been so completely sup11 The Arians would not have escaped, if the second Constitution of pressed at Constantinople that Gregory was forced to assemble bis conGratian, published a D. 379 against Heretics, “ Omnes vehtæ," had gregation in a private apartment; and even this proceeding was atbeen acted upon to the full extent of the letter. But this does tended with some risk. The apartment was called Anastasia, as being not seem to have been the case ; at least the Arians were allowed to the place of the resurrection of the Nicene Faith. Sozom. lib. vii, c. 5. retain their churches, even those which they had usurped from the The question of the validity of Gregory's appointment was renCatholics, till some time after the accession of Theodosius.

dered still more perplexed, by Maximus the Cynic, a worthless perThough persons who have suffered under Religious Persecution son, who first insinuated himself into Gregory's favour, and ihen are "seldom di-posed to show much forbearance towards those whom surreptitiously obtained consecration, as Archbishop;of Constantinople, they regard as the authors of their misfortunes, some of the restored by the Egyptian Bishops. The Western Prelates were at variance Ct.tholic Bishops bad the magnanimity to offer to leave their Arian with those of the East about this time, and for a while they espoused competitors in possession of their Sees, in case they would consent the cause of Maximus, and opposed the promotion of Gregory. to embrace the Nicene Faith. Sozom. lib. vii, c. 2.

!| Gibbon's remarks on the cause of the want of firmness manisested ** Gratian's Laws against the Pagans do not now appear in the by the Arians at this time, (vol. v. ch. xxvii.) though made in no Theodosian Code. They are, however, mentioned by the Heathen friendly spirit, are, upon the whole, just and well worthy of attention. Orator Symmachus, Relat. ad Valentin., as well as by Ambrose, in the whole tenour of Ecclesiastical History shows that a Christian his Reply to Symmachus, and are appealed to in a subsequent Consti- Sect, denying the divinity of the Saviour, carries a priociple of decay tution of Huporius, Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi, tit. 10. 1. 20. De Paganis. in its own bosom.

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