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The importation of the tobacco and sugar of Puerto Rico into the United States, free of duty, could not prejudicially affect our home industries, because the amount is unimportant. It would be more serious with the Philippines. If the products of the Philippines, whether the growth of the soil or of their manufactures, can come into this country free of duty, upon the theory that they are a part of the United States within the meaning of the Constitution, and that the Constitution, ex proprio vigore, extends and applies to them, not only are we at once brought face to face with the inhabitants of those islands as citizens

of the United States, invested with the same privileges that the

'{ citizens of New York have-because they are under the Constituwolovirri tion-but our wage-workers and our industrial interests are all

subjected to competition with their cheap labor.

In the last campaign our Democratic friends and many labor leaders were contending that we had made a mistake in annexing the Philippines, because these results, for the reasons given, would have to follow. Republicans as a rule deny these claims. But, beyond all this, comes another question. We have reached that point in the development of our resources, in the aggregation of capital and in the command of skilled labor where we are producing many millions in value beyond what we are able to consume. For this surplus we must find markets abroad. The best markets are in the Far East. In a few years the foreign trade of Japan has grown to more than a hundred millions annually. But Japan is but an island of the sea, with a population of only fortytwo or forty-three millions of people. China has a population variously estimated at from four to six hundred millions. They are just being introduced to our civilization. What has happened as to Japan will happen as to China, multiplied over and over again. The whole world recognizes that China is the great market of the future, and there have been, accordingly, corresponding efforts made by all the leading nations to secure a fair share, and, by some, to secure a monopoly, of this vast trade.

With a view to securing our fair share, we have been insisting and demanding, and, finally—to the great credit of our diplomacy

—we have succeeded in securing what is called an "open door” policy. That means only that our ships and merchandise shall be allowed to enter the ports of China on the same terms and conditions as apply to the ships and merchandise of the other and most favored nations. But, having been given an "open door” as to China, we cannot expect that, when the insurrection is suppressed and civil government is instituted in the Philippines, we will not be asked to give an “open door” there in return. It seems inevitable that we shall have to meet and determine this question. It would be a most serious misfortune if we should grant an “open door” policy in the Philippines and then find out, by a decision of the Supreme Court—which, sooner or later, must come—that we have no power, under the Constitution, to levy duties upon products going from this country into the Philippines.

It would be extremely unfortunate, because, if we cannot impose any duties upon our goods going into the Philippines, it would mean that our ships and merchandise would have to go in absolutely free of duty, and, if ours go in free of duty, under the "open door” policy arrangement, the ships and merchandise of every other nation a party to the agreement must go in on the same terms; and that would mean that, the Philippines being a part of the United States in the sense mentioned, the ships and merchandise of such nations would, when within the Philippines, be also within the whole United States, and their products coming from there here could not be subjected to tariff duties any more than our products going there. This would mean the overthrow of our protective tariff and of our revenue tariff system.

Puerto Rico and the Philippines stand in precisely the same relation to this Government. We acquired both by the same instrument. Our power as to the one is the measure of our power as to the other. The necessities of Puerto Rico are such as to require our dealing with her in the most generous and merciful way possible. The provisions of the bill give rise to all these questions. While we should not legislate for the purpose of raising questions, yet, when appropriate if not absolutely necessary legislation gives rise to questions of such unusual, far-reaching and world-wide importance, which, sooner or later, we must meet, and must be governed by the solution of, it is fortunate that they can be raised and solved in time to guide us in discharging such serious responsibilities. If we have no power to do as to the Philippines what we propose as to Puerto Rico, we cannot find it out too soon, and woe be unto us if we should not find it out until after our "head is in the halter.”

J. B. FORAKER.

THE EXPOSITION OF 1900.

BY B. D. WOODWARD, ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER-GENERAL OF THE

UNITED STATES TO THE PARIS EXPOSITION OF 1900.

On the thirteenth day of July, 1892, a decree was issued by the President of the French Republic providing for a Universal International Exhibition to be held in Paris in 1900. One of the clauses of this official proclamation referred briefly to the periodical recurrence of expositions in France every eleven years since 1867, and in this spirit attention was called to the year 1900 as bringing to a close an era of scientific and economic achievements of the greatest magnitude. This same date, furthermore, was to inaugurate an age of possibilities foreshadowed alike by scientists and philosophers, who even in their wildest flights of imagination could not be expected to conceive and compass about the results of future times.

The nations of the world have accepted France's invitation to participate in the great event, and they have undertaken to play an important part in this universal competition. Foreign Powers have pledged gigantic sums of money to the success of the cause, and while up to the present time over two hundred million dollars have been expended on preliminary work, three-fourths of that amount have been contributed by France alone. No measure can be assigned to the results of this investment, nor may we begin to gauge the benefits which may result from it to social, political and economic studies on the one hand, or to industrial, agricultural and commercial pursuits on the other. I may, therefore, be allowed to leave the realm of theories and fancy and to turn to the consideration of things tangible and present.

The time is most appropriate, indeed, for a rapid survey of the Exposition fields at the Champ de Mars, the Esplanade des Invalides, and the Park of Vincennes. As I write these lines, the Lenten season alone stands between us and the date set for the

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public inauguration, April 15. In the eyes of all the large and small concessionnaires of cafés, restaurants, kiosks, booths and the like, the Easter-tide will mark the beginning of an era of unprecedented plenty and prosperity, and they are too eager to reap the harvest which they have been led to anticipate to allow of a day's curtailment of the period during which they have contracted to do business. This consideration alone is supposed to confirm the promise that the gates of the Exposition will be thrown open to the public at the appointed time. But a stronger pledge is to be found in the words of the French Commissioner-General, who, on all occasions, both public and private, has stanchly asserted that the date set would be strictly adhered to, and it will be a matter of pride and record on the part of Commissioners, both French and foreign, to be found ready at the official opening.

The Exposition of 1900 will differ from that of 1889 not only in the universal classification of exhibits according to their nature instead of their nationality, but also in the greater extent of the grounds, the original manner in which they have been laid out on scientific principles and along artistic lines, and in the innovations which experience has sanctioned and daring conception has introduced into the technique of expositions. From the domain of Pure Art on the Champs Élysées one is led, on the Esplanade des Invalides, to the home of Art applied to Industries; thence to the Champ de Mars, where the raw products of the earth are viewed side by side with achievements wrought by human intelligence and ingenuity; and, finally, to the Trocadéro, where, amid exotic surroundings, the remote races of the earth strive to enter into competition with the elements of advanced civilization.

With this general idea in mind, we will return to the historic Place de la Concorde, and approach the Exposition through the portals of its monumental entrance. The Cours la Reine is bordered with beds of flowers from all climes and in richest profusion. As we advance, we leave to the right the two Palaces of Fine Arts, built of massive stone and destined, as legacies of the Exposition, to be permanent additions to the attractions of the City of Paris. Their style is reminiscent of the Palace of the Louvre, and is intended to continue one and the same vein of architecture along that most magnificent of vistas which extends from the Tuileries to the Arc de Triomphe. The smaller of these palaces will be devoted to a permanent retrospective exhibit of French Art; the

larger building will contain the International Exhibit of Fine Arts, and, after Exposition days, it will serve for the annual Salon, the Horse Show, the Dog Show, the Flower Show, and similar functions. Before crossing the new Alexander Bridge, we glance down the banks of the Seine upon the Pavilion of the City of Paris, reproducing the City Hall on a reduced scale, the two extensive hot-houses for the Horticultural Exhibit, and the Palace of Social Economy, with its generous accommodations for all the International Congresses to be held in conjunction with the Exposition. One hundred and twenty Congresses have been admitted by the French Exposition Administration. The number of attending delegates and members, and the requirements of each individual Congress, will be determining factors in assigning in each case a suitable meeting-place. In medicine, for instance, where the membership reaches 8,000, it will be necessary for the Congress to convene in the large Salle des Fêtes of the Trocadéro Palace.

The new bridge is one hundred and twenty-five feet wide and is the broadest in Paris. As we cross it, we behold in the distance the gilded dome of the Invalides, sheltering the resting-place of the great Napoleon. On either side of the Esplanade, and in rather close proximity to each other, are the long lines of buildings set aside for the Decoration and Furniture of Public Buildings and Dwellings, and Diversified Industries. Their architecture is so varied as to become kaleidoscopic: all styles and decorations prevail, including gilt domes and bell towers, applied staff mouldings, mosaic settings, colored cartouches, and Oriental structural fancies and vagaries. On the Esplanade under the trees is an Annex Building of the United States intended as a Publishers' Building; our advanced methods of journalism lead to the expectation of a most interesting exhibit here. A Moorish character was forced upon the building from the fact that the trees could not be removed, but had to be encased in staff and masonry; the general effect is strikingly pleasing and decidedly unique. To wind our way toward the Champ de Mars, we follow the left bank of the Seine through the Street of Nations. The centre of attraction in the Exposition will, in the minds of many, be found at this point. In two unbroken lines, extending from the Pont des Invalides to the Pont de l'Alma, the great nations of the earth have erected their National Pavilions, and while a reminiscence

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