dent, but it required a great length of time, to raise from it any considerable effects.

VIII. Philosophy had ever been the determined foe of the gospel. It behoved the artful persecutor, himself a philosopher, to encourage it as much as possible. He expressed his hearty wishes, that all the books of the wicked Galilæans were banished out of the world. But as this was now impossible, he directed the philosophers to bend all their powers against them. Jamblicus, Libanius, Maximus, and others of the philosophic tribe, were his intimate friends and counsellors, and the empire was filled with invectives against the gospel. Its enemies were liberally paid by imperial munificence for their labours, and Julian seemed desirous to put it to the proof, whether indeed "the foolishness of God was wiser than men."

IX. He used ensnaring artifices to draw unwary christians into compliance with pagan superstitions. He was wont to place the images of the heathen gods near his own statues, that those who bowed to the latter, might seem to adore also the former. Those who seemed thus to comply, he endeavoured to persuade into greater compliances; those who refused, he charged with treason, and proceeded against them as delinquents. He ordered the soldiers when they received their donative, to throw a piece of frankincense into the fire in honour of the gods. Some few christians, who had been surprized into the practice, returned to the emperor, threw back their donatives, and professed their readiness to die for their religion.* At other

ing pupils in classical learning, at the same time that they opposed the heathen mythology. The account of La Bleterie concerning this matter is just, and his observation deserves to be quoted. "To explain the classic authors, to commend them as models of language, of eloquence and taste, to unveil their beauties, &c. this is not proposing them as oracles of religion and morality." Julian is pleased to confound two things so different, and to erect, under favour of this confusion, the puerile sophistry, which prevails through his whole edict.

The story from Theodoret, b. iii. c. 17, deserves to be told more particularly. Julian caused an altar to be placed near himself with burning coals and incense upon a table, and required every one to throw some incense into the fire, before he received his gold. Some, who were

times he would defile the fountains with Gentile sacri. fices, and sprinkle the food brought to market with hallowed water. Christians knew their privilege from St. Paul's well-known determination of the case, yet they groaned under the indignity. Juventinus, and Maximus, two officers of his guard, expostulated with great warmth against these proceedings, and so provoked his resentment, that he punished them capitally, though with that caution which never forsook him, he declared, that he put them to death not as christian, but as undutiful subjects.

Jupiter had in no age possessed so zealous a devotce as this prince, who lived at the close of his religious dominion over mankind. The Deciuses and the Galeriuses, compared with Julian, were mere savages. It is certain, that no ingenuity could have contrived measures more dexterously. Disgrace, poverty, contempt, a moderate degree of severity checked and disciplined by dissimulation, and every method of undermining the human spirit, were incessantly labouring to subvert christianity. One sees not how the scheme could have failed, had Providence permitted this prudent and ac

aware of the danger, feigned sickness; some through fear or avarice complied. But the greater part were deceived. Some of these last going afterwards to their meals, called on the name of Jesus Christ, acOne of their companions said in a surprise: cording to their custom. "what is the meaning of this? you call on Christ after having renounced "You have thrown inhim." How? answered the other astonished.

cense into the fire. They instantly tore their hair, rose up from table, and ran into the forum." We declare it, they cried, before all the world, we are christians; we declare it before God, to whom we live, and for whom we are ready to die. We have not betrayed thee, Jesus our Saviour. "If our hands have offended, our hearts consented not. The emperor has deceived us, we renounce the impiety, and our blood shall answer for it." They then ran to the palace, and throwing the gold at Julian's feet, "sacrifice us, say they, to Jesus Christ, and give your In a rage he ordered them gold to those who will be glad to receive it. to be led to execution. The warmth of his temper had well nigh prevailed over his politic maxims; he recovered himself, however, in time sufficient to countermand the order. He contented himself with banishing them to the distant parts of the empire, forbidding them to reside in cities. Let the reader see here the philosophising heathen and the simple christian in contrast, and judge which religion is human and which is divine,

tive genius to have proceeded many years in this course, but what a worm is man, when he sets himself to oppose his Maker!

CHAPTER IX.

The Church under Julian.

AFTER having taken a view of various circumstances all tending to illustrate the state of christendom, it is time to return to the order of our history from the death of Constantius. The people of God, with light very faint, were in a low state, torn within by the Arian controversy, and scandalized by the madness of the Donatists. The faithful sons and pastors of the church were by no means simple and intelligent in divine things, and were menaced even with destruction by a persecution conducted with as much malice and vigour, and far greater dexterity, than any of the foregoing. The christian bishops, however, took advantage of Julian's affected moderation to return to their Sees. Meletius came back to Antiock; Lucifer of Cagliari and Eusebius of Vercellæ returned to their churches; but Athanasius remained still in the desert, because of the power of George at Alexandria. Julian wrote a letter to Photinus the heretic, and commended his zeal against the divinity of Jesus Christ.* He ordered Eusebius of Cyzicus, under severe penalties, to rebuild the church of the Novatians, which he had destroyed in the time of Constantius; a punishment probably just, though like every thing else done by Julian concerning the christian religion, contrived by him with malignant intentions. He protected the Donatists in Africa, and defended them against the general church and against one another.

* Fleury xv. 4.

The prohibition of human learning decreed by this emperor induced Apollinarius, the father and the son, to invent something which might stand as a substitute for the loss. The father, a grammarian, wrote in heroics the sacred history, and imitated the Greek tragedians, taking his subjects out of the scripture. The son, a philosopher, wrote in defence of the gospel in the form of dialogues like Plato. Little of these works has come down to us; the prohibition ceasing with the death of Julian, christian scholars returned to their former studies, and we cannot judge how far the writings of the Apollinarii merited the rank of Classics. Ecebolius, a famous sophist at Constantinople, yielded to the caresses of Julian, and returned to paganism. After the emperor's death he desired to be received again into the church, and prostrating himself at the door of the church, said, "Tread me under foot like salt that hath lost its savour." I know no more of the man to enable me to form a just estimate of his character. We may be convinced, however, that a considerable number of true christians were yet in the church amidst all its corruptions, by this important fact, that the greatest part of public teachers and professors of christianity chose to quit their chairs, rather than to forsake their religion. Proeresius ought to be distinguished. Julian had studied under him at Athens, and, from a kindness to his master, excepted him out of the general law. Yet he refused to be thus singled out from his brethren, and retired. Another of them was Victorinus, an African, converted from idolaty in his old age. The manner of his conversion is finely told by Augustine, and I shall have occasion to give it to the reader hereafter. His rhetorical school was given up on occasion of Julian's edict, and he wrote with zeal in defence of divine truth, though his abilities were inadequate to the work, because he applied himself to the study of scripture too late in life.

Cæsarius, the brother of the famous Gregory Nazianzan, continued to practise physic at court, as he had done in the former reign. His brother wrote to

him, how grievous a thing it was to himself and to their aged father (the bishop of Nazianzum in Cappadocia) that he should continue in the court of an infidel, seeking worldly greatness. "Our mother," says

he,

"could not endure the account. Such the weakness of her sex, and such the fervour of her piety, we are obliged to conceal the truth from her." Cæsarius profited by these rebukes; not all the artifices of Julian could move him. "I am a christian," says he, "and must continue so." Cæsarius quitted the court, and retired to his pious father, who was as much delighted with his son's conduct, as earthly minded parents would have been displeased.

Among the officers of the army was Valentinian, afterwards emperor. He commanded the guards who attended Julian. The emperor one day entered into the temple of fortune, and on each side of the gate stood the door keepers, who sprinkled with sacred water those who came in. A drop of this water falling on Valentinian's mantle, he struck the officer with his fist, expressed his resentment at his being defiled with the impure water, and tore that part of his mantle.* Julian incensed at his boldness, banished him from his presence, not for his christianity, as he pretended, but because he had not kept his cohort in good order. Sensible, however, of his merit, he still employed him in the army. There were others who like Valentinian defended their christian profession, not with meekness, but wrath. They found, however, the puishment of their folly from Julian, whose partiality and prejudices in favour of paganism urged him to adopt measures, which filled the whole empire with confusion.

At Merum, a city of Phrygia, Amachius the governor of the province ordered the temple to be opened, and the idols to be cleansed. Three christians, inflamed, says my author,† with christian zeal, could not

* Sozom. vi. c. 6.

Socrates, b. iii. c. 15. I fear there was in this action more of pride than zeal. Christians having tasted a little of the pleasures of superiority over pagans in the two last reigns, and being influenced in no high