occurrence of favouring accidents from or two every possible explanation of without, or on the blundering or misfor- France's defeat but the true one will be tunes of men of other creeds, whether Im- believed in. But we need not prophesy perialism shall not be able to assert itself or invent accidents of any particular kind. yet in a way that must be more or less dis- Enough that they do constantly occur; turbing. That such accidents may easily and that in a distracted nation like France, happen is clear when we look round from with no guiding mind and no stable party France to the rest of Europe, and see how anywhere, there is no knowing how much doubtful and threatening is the prospect they might turn to the advantage of a generally, and, what is more to the pur- flattering, much-promising, ceaselesslypose, how hostile it is to the amour propre scheming Prince out of power. It must of France. The Germans have taken be remembered, too, that though there is pains to leave no doubt in the mind of any some present stability in the French GovFrenchman that the conquest of his coun- ernment, it probably depends for its maintry is regarded as a blessing to the world. tenance on the life of a man now seventyMany English critics, even, have expressed four years old. When M. Thiers is taken the opinion that the arrogance of France, from office, disturbances must almost cerber disposition to bully and dispossess her tainly follow; and what these may evolve neighbours, was a nuisance and a crime; nobody would dare to prophesy. So far and that there never could be peace in as we can see, the moderate Republicanism Europe till this spirit had been crushed of the day would expire with him, and reout of her. If this judgment is well- solve itself definitely into the monarchical founded, and the Germans are sincere in factions of which it is composed. That their representations of the case, it means these would strike for power, as against that, having broken down the power that what they would call Communism and degave effect to all this mischief, they intend struction on the one side, and Imperialism never to permit its revival. In fact, there on the other, is probable enough; and if can hardly be a doubt that such a resolu- so, we see how potent any considerable tion exists in the minds of Germany's feeling for Bonapartism might be made, in rulers, and that if at any time they choose the hands of men who have all to gain by to manifest it they will be hotly supported the audacity and astuteness of adventurers by the whole people. They are of opinion generally. It is a deplorable thing that that now there has been enough of re- the destinies of a country, the difference venges; and that it would be a wrong between going on in some steady attempt thing, as well as a perilous one, to permit at settled order and reversal into confutheir swaggering neighbour to grow sion and bloodshed, should depend for the mighty again. If this is really the case second time in a few years on the life of (and the recent conferences at Gastein an old and infirm man. But so it is. and elsewhere do not discredit the assump-Were M. Thiers forty, and endowed with tion), then nothing can be more likely the vigour of that time of life, the whole than that by-and-by the French Govern- prospect of France, and of Imperialism. ment will have strong hints to that effect would be different: but he is more than in words or deeds. And these hints, if seventy, and it is little likely that he will they are given, will probably be expressed be able to "settle order once again" bewithout much deference to the Granvillian- fore he is taken away. To be sure, Time isms of diplomatic intercourse. Here we is working in the same inexorable way have roughly sketched one of those acci- with the man who alone lends life to Bonadents which, if they happened, would be partism. If Louis Napoleon dies at the favourable for the Bonapartes, in stirring beginning of his new efforts, there will be up, and enabling them to work upon, the an end to the chances of his "dynasty" in military_fervours of a nation which con- our generation, we suppose. If so, then quered Europe under a Napoleon. It may we see what little accidents may vary the be said that the disasters of another Napo- next future of France; and what sport is leon must efface the military prestige made of the happiness, the lives, the libergained for the family by its great founder; ties of a whole nation by the poorest mobut we do not observe that French feeling tives and the commonest fatalities of hutends much in that direction, and in a year' manity.

From The Examiner.

ENGLISH REPUBLICANISM.

readjustment of the machinery of State as will enable them to secure for themselves their full share of the comfort and independence possible in our over-crowded country.

THE long letter from Mr. George Potter which appeared in the Times of last Tuesday, doubtless fairly represents the opin- The worst that can be said of Royalty ions that the majority of the working as it at present exists in England is that classes in this country hold on the question it is in itself a rather costly sham, and of "Monarchy versus Republicanism." A few blustering and ambitious demagogues declare that they speak the minds of all working men when they insist on the speedy deposition of the House of Brunswick, or aver that the longest term during which its rule can be tolerated is the lifetime of the present Sovereign. But we believe that they are spokesmen only for a few, and that most of those who give any thought to the matter are more anxious that the substantial benefits of Republicanism should be secured, than that the strict form of Republican Government should be obtained. What they want is that all classes of the community shall have a fair share in the management of public affairs, and that all shall unite in labouring to promote the common welfare, and, like Mr. Potter, they are "far from giving up the extended experiment of popular government under hereditary presidency as a thing to be despaired of." This is certainly the most sensible view to take. Englishmen are not generally fond of violent revolution. They have already won so much freedom by temperate argument and by step-by-step progress, that, though they may think the altered conditions of other countries justify a different course of action, and even palliate such excesses as marked the history of the Paris Commune, they are not in favour of the precipitate overturning of institutions at home. To that extent there is a measure of truth in the Tory boast as to the prevalence of "Conservative working men," and to that extent it may be assumed that Monarchism, in its present shadowy shape in England, is safe. No one can help seeing, however, that the Republican spirit is growing in England, and that, according to Mr. Potter's periphrasis, "if the rising cry for a Republic is to fail in calling forth any general answer, those who would maintain the Monarchy must prevail with those in power to pursue at home and abroad such a policy as will indispose the bulk of the people to join in the desire for constitutional change." In other words, the working majority of Englishmen will not trouble themselves about the form of government, if the thing works as they wish it; but they will insist upon such a practical

that, at the same time, it serves as a peg on which hang certain obnoxious realities. What Mr. Potter calls "hereditary pre idency," would, as we now have it, be tolerably harmless-it might, in some respects, be even beneficial-if it were not the chief excuse for the maintenance of other hereditary institutions that are far more mischievous. As regards the strictly political question, we find, pace Mr. Disraeli, that the Sovereign has really very little to do with affairs of State; the duties of the Crown are either ornamental or clerical, and, even when an important exercise of so-called Royal Prerogative occurs, it is done at the dictation of the leader of the House of Commons, who, if nominally the Prime Minister of the Sovereign, is actually the Prime Minister of the people. The Crown would be entirely subject to its subjects, were it not for the interposition of the hereditary peerage, that has retained far more of its ancient power in State affairs than the hereditary monarchy. On political grounds, those who wish to make England thoroughly and truly Republican must aim their attack at the House of Peers rather than at the Crown. And on social grounds there is yet stronger reason for withstanding hereditary aristocracy rather than hereditary monarchy. The Queen is only one member, and one of the worthiest and most estimable members, of the Upper Ten Thousand. The centre of a vicious feudalism is now as good as gone, but the feudalism still exists in a way, and though with far inferior power than it possessed in former centuries, yet with considerably more power than is good for it or for society. For a long time past Republicanisin, without the name, has been advancing in England, and it is quite possible that it may soon have to assert itself more strongly than ever, and for the first time quite openly; but the battle of Democracy has been, and must still be, not so much against Monarchy as against Oligarchy. A small minority of the nation claims, by virtue of the pedigree of its members, an influence in the affairs of the nation vastly in excess of any it could claim on account of their individual merits. When it is reduced to its normal position,

the position of the Sovereign can be set-out a neighbour who is plagued with a far
tled without difficulty.
more extensive and virulent eruption of
It is fortunate for this minority that the the "home rule" fever than we are our-
majority is disposed to treat it very lenient- selves. The Emperor of Austria rules,
ly. The longest paragraph in Mr. Potter's or affects to rule, not one but a dozen
letter concerns the most pressing of the so- Irelands, each as profuse as our sister
cial reforms that are involved in the Re-island of loyal sentiments and expressions
publican problem, and it defines the atti- of attachment to his benevolent personal
tude which we hope all working men will sway; each as demonstrative in its de-
take up in the matter. If French Radicals termination to unite submission to that
had such a land question to solve as occurs benevolent sway with absolute independ-
in England, they would adopt or aim at a ence in "home" matters, which, analyt-
very rough solution. They would clam- ically construed, means all matters what-
our for the confiscation of the great terri- ever. Union with Great Britain is gov-
torial possessions of the aristocracy, and ernment by England, in the language of
for an entire readjustment of the national Mr. Smyth and Mr. Martin. Union with
wealth in land. Most English Republi- Austria is government by Germany, is
cans seem to be much more temperate in the cry of the demagogues of a dozen na-
their demands. All they ask, following tionalities, uttered in a dozen unfamiliar
the lead of men like Mr. Mill, is that the tongues, in the Empire of the Hapsburgs.
existing customs of primogeniture and en- And the incompatibility of the "home
tail shall be abolished, that so much land rule" in separate portions with any cen-
as is still in the hands of the State shall tral government at all is daily receiving
be retained and used in the best way for fresh demonstration from the modern ex-
the benefit of the whole community, and perience of Austria, where it passes by
that where land is in private hands, only the name of Federalism.
its hitherto undeveloped resources shall
be looked upon as national property. And
so it is with other matters directly or in-
directly connected with the question of
English Republicanism. Mr. Potter and
his friends appear anxious that the needed
improvements in our social and political
arrangements should be quietly and peace-
ably worked out. If our statesmen and
State pensioners are wise, they will yield
to the movement while it continues in its
present attitude.

From The Pall Mall Gazette.
HOME RULE IN AUSTRIA.

Something like justice may now be done to the memory of that well-meaning Prince Joseph II., who attempted a task too hard for himself, too hard perhaps for any one, but which - we now see better than his own generation saw - it was indispensable at all events to attempt. He endeavoured to weld together the races and religions of his subjects under a Government which should absolutely disregard their ancient claims of right-to call them all rights would be to beg several questions their usages, their languages, and prejudices; but to give them instead the blessings of equal and moderate government. If there ever was a case for indulging in Carlylism, this was, in truth, a model one. Nothing but a beneficent desTHE sudden development of the passion potism could possibly have succeeded. for "home rule" in Ireland, though mere- But the priests would not have it so. ly a new phase of a persistent ailment in They repudiated Joseph as a freethinker, the body politic, is no doubt a disquieting which he was not; they detested him, phenomenon. We are apt to forget that with much more reason from their point it is in truth a simple revival of the old of view, as an opponent of ecclesiastical Repeal agitation, and that the Repeal supremacy and a despoiler of Church agitation under O'Connell, when the Irish property. They set themselves against Catholics formed seven millions out of him, and he failed. Whether he could an entire imperial population of twenty- have conquered, even with their aid, is five, was something very different from doubtful. They had their reward. They the home rule agitation under Mr. Butt threw back Austria into a half-century of in our time, when they count only four Metternich government by bayonets and millions out of thirty: a fact of which the police. That broke down at last, and the more rational partisans of the cause in Ire-result is a far more formidable revolt, land are only too well aware. If, however, against their authority than Joseph would we look for further comfort to examples have encouraged in others or could have abroad, we have no difficulty in finding achieved himself.

The actual state of Austria is less knownj Berlin, and away from Vienna, though to us than it deserves to be, because the their hereditary inclination prompts in the extreme complexity of the circumstances old direction. But, such as they are, and renders it very difficult to study. It with the help of their brother Germans. would not be easy even to give an outline in the neighbouring mixed provinces, they of the constitutional, national, and reli- might probably hold their own by dint gious questions which now agitate that of superior wealth and civilization, were unlucky empire at the expense of anything they united at home. But they are not. less than a treatise. It is, as every one The fatal religious difference breaks up knows, now split into two halves Cis- national unity. German Liberals and Leithan and Trans-Leithan - connected German Ultramontanes are more sharply by a federal union only: the latter equiva- antagonistic to each other than German lent to the ancient kingdom of Hungary and Slav or German and Magyar. Von and what it claims as its dependencies; Beust, who represents the first, Von the former comprising the rest of the em- Hohenwart, who for the time personifies pire. In Transleithania-that is to say, the second, are more exposed to daily vituHungary-matters are for the time in peration than the proudest Hungarian a somewhat less unpromising state than leader or the coarsest Slavonic demain the other half. The Magyars, strong in gogue. their landed property, their military organization, and, above all, in their central position, are able to keep at a respectful distance the Slavonic, Roumanian, and other once subject races, who occupy, as it were, lands forming the hem of their kingdom and encompassing them. But it is plain enough that this state of things is only temporary a truce, not a solid union. There is no longer a recognized supremacy of one portion over others, and there is no tendency whatever to cohesion. The time is doubtless more or less nearly at hand when the outlying nationalities will either converge to oppress the central, or will break away from it in different directions.

But in the mixed Cisleithan provinces those of divided nationalties matters seem to be getting worse. "Home rule," in the shape of provincial Diets with local powers, is established everywhere. In Galicia the German element is trifling; and the public spirit of Galicia was greatly encouraged for many years by Austrian statesmen, who hoped to find in it a counterpoise. against the mutinous disposition of Hungary. But then in Galicia itself two nations hold each other by the throat, the Poles and the Ruthenians, nearly equal in numbers, and therefore according to now prevailing notions equal in political claims, though the first represent the remnant of a great and chivalrous people, and the last Far more discordant for the time is the were of absolutely no account, mere opstate of things on this side the Leitha. pressed peasants, only two generations ago. The confusion of King Agramant's camp But the Ruthenians of our day will no has for the present uncontrolled sway. more submit to the Poles than the Poles to Society, as divided into nationalities and the Germans; and they have the colossus religions, appears in actual process of dis-of Russia to lean against. In Carniola a integration; and nothing seems to check wealthy, industrious, civilized German colthis tendency except the impossibility, ony is outnumbered and kept out in the recognized on all hands, of substituting cold by a "Slowenian" majority — a mere any practical state of things for the pres- insulated Slavonic tribe, with the ambient. Five or six millions of Germans in tious pretensions of a nation. Even in the old hereditary lands of Austria furnish Tyrol nearly half the inhabitants are Italindeed a strong and formidable national ian, and their longing is rather for renucleus, hostile to "Federalism." But union to the Italian family than even for then they are collected at one extremity "home rule." But at this present moment of the empire; they are hopeless of exer- Bohemia offers, perhaps, the most untocising any control over the surging masses ward and at the same time the most inof inferior races as they deem them which structive spectacle of any "Crown land" toss and agitate around them, and with of the Hapsburgs; for that ancient kingwhom the very name German is a phrase dom seem to furnish the reductio ad abof contempt; they are sore at the loss of surdum of the principle of numerical matheir ancestral control over these inferiors, jority. It has 2,000,000 of German inhaband feel that a real régime of equality itants; and 3,000,000 of "Czechs " of Slawith such presuming associates is impossi- vonic parentage. The political split beble. Their serious thoughts are therefore tween the two began about 1859. The daily more and more directed towards Czechs just outnumber the Germans, and