like it.

From The Examiner. ical. When we come across it - which is 1 THE NATURAL HISTORY OF HATRED. seldom we may fear it, and we may disHATRED, real downright genuine haBut we can no more laugh at it tred, is far less common than is supposed, than at a volcano, or a waterspout; and and is far more potent. We may admit our natural instincts of self-preservation without difficulty that it is unchristian. So suggest that we should give it a wide are a number of other sources of action berth. It is, indeed, never aroused except which none the less play a very considerable by a really great injury; and to a great part in the history of the world. Ambition injury a small mind is apt to be comparais not exactly a Christian virtue; nor is tively insensible. The degree of a wrong that love of wealth, and of all that wealth depends upon the extent to which it intercan give us, which is now the very main- feres with our scheme of life; and a man spring of the western world, anywhere in- who has no particular scheme of life to culcated in the New Testament. Hatred, which he attaches any especial importance, however, is a feeling which is held in some- is not likely to feel very keenly wronged what unmerited disrepute. Not being a when another man crosses his path, and common fault, it is one against which a breaks up such few plans as he may have. humdrum moralist can inveigh at his leisure, Not one man in a dozen has any concepand be tolerably sure that he will not tion of a real scheme of life, or entertains wound the consciences of his audience. And any but the most moderate and humble hence it is that the sin of hatred - - (for ha-projects, with which no one either cares or tred is by the way, one of the seven deadly attempts to interfere. It is only when a sins) is put up and shot at week after man has had a real purpose in life to week in prize-essay fashion, and is analyzed which he has steadily bent himself, and by weak-minded and charitable young finds it intentionally thwarted, when a gentlemen, who are as incapable of under- wrong has been done to him which is alstanding as of entertaining it. Hence, to most, or, it may be, absolutely irreparable, a great extent, its diabolical nature has that he feels what hatred is, a feeling been over-insisted upon, while its natural which is nowhere better set out than in history has been neglected. Byron, who knew the darker side of life well enough.

And, if we do but watch the hour,
There never yet was human power
Which could evade, if unforgiven,
The patient search and vigil long
Of him who treasures up a wrong.
Hatred finds its expression or fulfilment

Of a genuine hatred a weak nature is incapable. It is noteworthy, for instance, that our modern novel-writers never attempt to offer us a study of revenge, or, if they do attempt it, break down hideously. The hero who crushes up a silver goblet between his finger and thumb, or who swaggers vastly over the fact that he never forgives, and that, in fact, it is a pe-in revenge; and a revenge is worth very culiarity of his family never to forgive, is about as near to a true type of hatred as is the strong man in a travelling circus to the Farnese Hercules. Such heroes have

far too much splutter about them to be true and genuine haters. Hatred has nothing explosive in it, and never degenerates into fussiness. Women, for instance, and self-important little men, can be as spiteful as need be, and can indulge in very mean little pieces of revenge. But of an intense concentrated hatred they are as incapable as is a band-box of carrying aqua fortis. Aristotle somewhere tells us that anger is not easily contained, and that, with nine persons out of ten, it comes to a bead and bursts, like an evil humour, leaving the patient considerably relieved. These kind of people are common enough, and the comic element in their spitefulness is, for those who find pleasure in the smallnesses of human nature, often very amusing. Hatred, however, is never com

little unless it be complete. A complete revenge, even if the opportunity for it comes at all — which it very seldom does -is obviously a matter of time. And hence we see of hatred that it is a very permanent as well as a very intense passion. Strength of character may be, of course, either for good or for bad. But it requires great strength of character and great power of self-control to treasure up a wrong year after year, and to wait patiently until the exact moment comes for wiping it out, knowing perfectly well that it may possibly never come at all. To play a waiting game well is almost as difficult as to play a losing game. And the man who can play either well may not be an amiable man, or even a good man, but certainly needs only opportunity, or, which is the practical equivalent of opportunity, length of time, to be a great man. A moment of chance may effect for us a combination which it would take years

who nowadays write revolution ary leading articles do not know, that a revolution always has in it elements of personal hatred. And when a few keen haters league with a few fiercely abstract thinkers, when the man who holds that cudzia

of patient labour to bring about. But for, and Machiavelli knew what the gentlemen such a moment we must wait very patiently. And thus hatred, being a settled determination to exact the full revenge for a great wrong, has about it a something very terrible. It is, to a great extent, abstract and impersonal. The man who is possessed by it becomes more or less in-va is loórns leagues with the man whose sensible to all ordinary motives, and is so far superhuman or inhuman. And hence, too, it is that to those who have never felt hatred, or who are incapable of feeling it, it has about it a weird character, and awakens a chilly feeling, half of fear and

half of dislike.

sister Pisistratus has insulted, and whose father he has stabbed, then it is that stormy times are at hand for the Pisistratidæ. The story of Harmodius and Aristogiton is not exactly nice reading. But it is the type of all revolutions. At the bottom of Fenianism lies personal hatred towards this or that evicting landlord. And as long as the Houses of Lords and Commons are filled with commonplace, decorous, middleaged men, whom hardly anybody respects, but whom nobody hates, so long a revolution whatever the Daily News may think

Great

It is easy enough, then, to distinguish hatred from its spurious forms. Spitefulness consists in taking little revenges for little injuries. It is, as it were, the little hatred of a little mind; and it might, perhaps, interest Mr. Darwin to observe that monkeys can be, and often are, excessively is far enough off. It was personal disspiteful, exactly as children are more spite- like for certain prominent Adullamites that ful than women, and women, as a rule, really provoked the riots of 1867. And than men. Worse than spitefulness, be- it would be a curious, although an impercause more inhuman, is malignity, which tinent, question to ask how far there is may, in a sense, be described as the hatred any secret history of the implacable attiof a bad man, for those whose superiority tude adopted by the great Chancellor to himself is brooded over by him until he towards Austria and Frankfort. hatches it into a wrong. Of malignity pure and simple Iago is probably the only type; and to see wherein it differs from hatred we need only compare Iago with Shylock. Shylock's wrongs are genuine, at least, and it is very doubtful how far he deserves to be cut off from all our sympathy, or how far our estimate of him is not affected by the fact that his revenge has about it too much of the shambles, and that his exultation is a little too noisy. Hatred in its least objectionable shape is too abstract a passion to be very cruel; and there is, after all, a great distinction between the cruelty which delights in the In a mere piece of natural history moral infliction of pain, and the cruelty which criticisms are out of place. It is true bedenies mercy. Our English soldiers did yond all doubt that, to overcome our wrath their bloody work very zealously in India is a greater achievement than to take a city. and very thoroughly; but it is doubtful whether they deliberately tortured, as Damiens was tortured, or- however much they may have revelled in killing-cared to dwell upon pain.

Aristotle is never weary of warning tyrants that they must above all things avoid being hated, and must keep their hands off the wives and the property of their subjects. Machiavelli has much the same lesson to teach, and, almost with tears in his eyes, beseeches us never to injure an enemy unless the injury be such as to put revenge out of his power, and to leave his hatred impotent. Both Aristotle

In private life hatred is very rare. wrongs are seldom inflicted upon men who are fully alive to them, and, even when such a thing happens, the hatred is cherished, but has no chance of showing itself. Few men hate any one as keenly as Shelley hated Lord Eldon; and yet Shelley's nature was too finely strung for hatred ever to be with him more than a sentiment. It is fortunate for the world that so few of us should be capable of hatred at all, that so few should have occasion for it, and that so very few should be able to gratify it.

It is also, we may add, far less frequent. But it is, perhaps, worthy of notice that a keen and determined hater almost always has in him a tinge of Semitic blood. It is only in the East that the duty of the Thar descends from father to son; that David makes Solomon swear that the hoar head of Joab shall not go down to the grave in peace, and that Solomon religiously keeps his oath. With us civilization has brought the high moral truth that it is no part of a son's duty to avenge the wrongs of his father, and Orestes has, in consequence, a wholesome horror of the Erinnyes. This, perhaps, is why it suits

us to argue ourselves into a belief in Hamlet's insanity. When the son regards his own wrongs with complacency, and his own enemies with charity, then Astræa will return. Until then, we must content our selves with such charity as that of the Earl of Crabs, who never injured even his biggest enemy unless he was perfectly sure of getting something by it.

From The Pall Mall Gazette.
A RECOVERED MS..

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spent some time in the library at Münster for the purpose of collating MSS. He told Professor Bickell there that some time ago certain Chaldee priests who had stayed with the Thomas Christians in India had brought back copies of the book in question, and had made a present of one to the Catholic patriarch of Elkosh (near Mossul). The story seemed especially as emanating from that not very trustworthy scource — rather apocryphal, and no further steps were taken to ascertain its truth. Two years afterwards, however, Professor Benfey was informed by Bickell that the very patriarch to A VERY important discovery is an- whom the copy was said to have been prenounced by Professor Benfey in the All-sented was attending the Vatican Council gemeine Zeitung. Many of our readers at Rome. Both he and another Chaldee are aware that there exists an Indian fa- ecclesiastic, temporarily in Rome, were at ble-book called Panchatantra" ("the once communicated with, and their anfive books"), which in itself is an extract swer, dated about this time last year, of a larger Sanscrit work dating from proved the archdeacon's news to be fallaabout the sixth century of our era, treat-cious, but at the same time made the existing in from twelve to fourteen chapters ence of a like MS. at Mardin most probapolitical questions in the guise of ani- ble. Benfey, upon this, addressed himself inal fables." This larger work, however, without further delay to Dr. Socin, from owing to this very extract, or rather. se- Basle, ther travelling in Asia. Socin, on lection in an enlarged form, which had be- his part, did not hesitate to act on the hint, come extremely popular in India, not on- though, as he said, with but little hopes. ly fell into oblivion on its native soil, but In a letter announcing the discovery, he disappeared bodily. Previous to its re-writes to Benfey that there was, as he modelling, however, this original had knew by experience, little credence to be found its way into Persia, and was there given to the boastings of the Oriental translated into Pehlvi-and this version Christians regarding the literary treasures was also lost. Not, however, before it in their possession. In the course of his had again been translated into Arabic, prolonged journey through the "Christian and out of this last rendering have flowed Mountains," the Tur el Abedin, he had visthe innumerable medieval and modern, ited many monasteries little known before, Eastern and Western, translations by but he hardly ever saw anything but Biwhich this so called book of "Kalila and bles. Moreover all books were watched Dimna" has become familiar in European over with fanatical eyes, and there was literature. Besides this Pehlvi version, nothing to be got by purchase: possibly however, there had existed, according to bribery might do something, but even that a Nestorian writer of the thirteenth cen- only under exceptional circumstances. tury, another in Syriac, also done from He went, however, to Mardin. The only the original Sanscrit work, and also dat-likely place he could think of there was ing from the sixth century. But no trace the library of the Jakobite monastery, of it had been found, and, indeed, the Nes- Der ez Zaferan, five and a half leagues torian's account of it was considered by from Mardin, in the mountains. After no less an authority than Silvestre de Sa-some difficulties he obtained access to it, cy to be based on some mistake and ut- but having examined its whole stock of terly groundless. Yet who shall say what about four hundred very commonplace these latter days of ours will not bring to books, he returned disappointed to Marlight? This Syriac version, the oldest din, where again he made the most diligent manuscript embracing the whole contents inquiries, without any result. At last one of the lost original Sanscrit work, has sud-day he "took his heart into both hands,' denly turned up, and the circumstances and went boldly into the Chaldee monasof its recovery form not the least interest-tery itself, a step all the more hazardous ing part of the story. The very first ink- as he happened to live in the American ling of its existence was brought by a Syr- Mission-house, and the Christians of the ian archdeacon from Ooroomiya, named different sects of that locality were not on Jochanan bar Babish, who, in May, 1866, the very best terms. More especially did

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the Catholics of the monastery hate these country, may perhaps appear to simpleProtestant missionaries. Luckily Dr. So-minded villagers and townsmen achievecin's servant was a Catholic, and having ments worthy of enthusiastic admiration; given his master a most unexceptionable but King Amadeo is probably conscious character, the latter was admitted into that he has only accomplished the prethe library. Again nothing but Prayer- liminary part of his task. By making himbooks and Bibles at first, until Socin asked self personally known to the inhabitants point-blank whether they had any fa- of the provinces as well as of the capital, ble books. Yes, there was one, was the he is doing his best to secure for himself instant answer. A volume was brought, a fair trial; and perhaps frugal Spaniards and on being opened at once proved to be may be gratified by the information that the precious MS. There stood the title he gets up early, and that he spends little Lalilag v Damnag," in red letters, as time over breakfast and dinner. As comlarge as life, showing further by the final pared with his former competitors for the "g" that it was not a translation from the Crown, he has an advantage in the imposArabic as had been suspected. Dr. Socin, sibity that anything can be said against of course, dissembled," and the worthy him. The crowds which assemble to apfather had not the faintest inkling that plaud him on his journey are willing to that was the work for which he had been give him credit for the services which he specially asked under its title; which says may perhaps hereafter render to the counbut little for the father's scholarship. A few days after "a worthy man" was despatched by our savant to "borrow" the volume. Asked whether it was not rather the Fréngi, "the Prot" (Protestant), who had sent him, he strenuously denied this, and obtained the prize. Once holding it in his possession Dr. Socin grew bolder, and sent messages to the monastery to inquire for the price at which they would part with it. An indignant reply and strong suspicions were the result, but Socin had already handed the work over to copyists, and shortly afterwards received post tot discrimina rerum the copy in question safely at Aleppo. He then despatched it to Professor Benfey, who, together with Dr. Hofmann and Professor Bickell, is now engaged in editing it. The only question yet to be solved is whether this translation flowed directly from the Indian original or from the Pehlvi rendering. Anyhow it is the oldest version in existence of the irretrievably lost Indian original, and is, as such, if for no other reason, one of the most precious documents extant.

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From The Saturday Review.
KING AMADEO.

THE young King of Spain has in his brief career given so many proofs of good sense that he may be trusted not to rely too confidently on his present popularity. That a spirited young King should look well and bear himself gracefully, that he should review troops, return the salutations of assembled crowds, and show a general interest in the customs of the

try. The reception which he has obtained seems to prove that the prejudice against Royalty in Spain is confined to a minority. A King is better qualified than a President of a Republic to serve as a symbol of national greatness and unity. Claims founded on merit are disputable and invidious, but there can be no doubt as to the pre-eminent rank of a King. The multitude may perhaps not appreciate the more important qualities of permanence and of impartiality among contending factions. The King of Spain has been apprenticed early to his craft, and, if he retains his position, he will in time acquire larger experience than any Minister or any leader of Opposition. Up to the present time he has judiciously exhibited an even exaggerated respect for the strict rules of constitutional government, but in time he will find it necessary to exercise a direct influence on public policy. Some of the advisers by whom he is surrounded, including the present Prime Minister, are capable statesmen; and if the King can overcome the difficulties which are likely to beset the early part of his reign, he may perhaps profit by the accident which deprived him of his original patron and principal supporter. Prim must, as long as he lived and remained in power, have been the first man in Spain.

The history of the last three years seems to show that the Spaniards are not extraordinarily difficult to govern. General and growing prosperity conduces greatly to the maintenance of order. The public and private misconduct of Queen Isabella affected the Court, the upper classes, and the army more immediately than it concerned the bulk of the population. The revolution by which she was de