sumption then could the minister call upon that house to regulate its decision on evidence which it knew to be false, and to neglect evidence which it felt to be true? In every part of the proposed arrangement the result falsified the intelligence on which the attempt was made. But whilst it cut away the ground on which the minister rested, it realized every prediction of the men who, foreseeing the failure, had foretold the fatal result. With what consistency could ministers defend that diversion which, they said, afforded to Austria the chance of recovery from her misfortunes, in the same breath that they argued against the propriety of sending a force into the North of Germany, with a view to assisting the numerous insurgents in that quarter? Why, said they, encourage those insurgents to an ineffectual resistance to the power of France, only to subject them to more aggravated oppression? Why then endeavour to allure Austria, after her fall, to a renewal of a struggle which would have for ever sealed her subjugation ?-Mr. Grattan said, in conclusion, in my conception of public delinquency, there can be no conduct more reprehensible than that of his Majesty's ministers, except indeed the conduct of this House, if it should be so forgetful of its duties as not to condemn them. This house has lately censured Lord Chatham for an attempt to set aside the responsibility of ministers. Let it then take care thabits conduct, on this occasion, does not tend to establish ministerial impunity."-Mr. Canning, in the course of a long and elaborate speech, endeavoured to prove the practicability of carrying such a place as Antwerp by a coup de main, by an enumeration of instances in which stronger places had been so taken. In justification of the policy of the expedition, he said that the continued occupation of Walcheren would have been as great a blow to the maritime power and pride of Buonaparte, as that of the Isle of Wight by France to the power and pride of Great Britain. In that view, in the contemplation of its moral effect on the minds of the people of France, as much as in respect to its solid advantages, he, as one of his Majesty's ministers, had concurred in the destination of the expedition to the Scheldt. It would have been of incalculable benefit that the people of France should have seen that its ruler could not strip his coasts and country of troops without subjecting his own territories to insult and invasion. Though he certainly should vote against the second resolution of Lord Porchester, he would move or suggest an amendment to the counter resolutions of General Crawfurd, namely, to omit the specific grounds of justification arising from the circumstances of Austria, and the destruction of the basin at Flushing, and to leave the justification of having forborne to have kept possession of Walcheren. on the obvious ground of the necessity of collecting the materials for an opinion, and the danger of deciding precipitately on so great and important a question. He was ready to co: cur in the conclusion, that no blame was imputable to government, but not in the honourable general s statement of the premises from which that conclusion was to be drawn.--Mr.WhitG 2 bread, bread, in the course of an animated speech, in reasoning with ministry, on their own grounds, observed that it had been asserted both by Lord Castlereagh and Gen. Craw furd, not only that the North of Germany was ripe for insurrection, but that Buonaparte had lost 50,000 men at the battle of Aspern. Could it then be doubted, if this statement was true, that an army of 40,000 British troops, landed in the North of Germany, would have turned the fortune of the campaign-Mr. Whitbread took an opportunity of stinging Mr. Canning for his inconsistency in pronouncing Lord Chatham guilty for making an official communication to his Majesty with a request of secrecy, while he himself had made communications to his Majesty which he concealed from his colleagues. He stung him also by contrasting the dupli eity of his conduct with the candour and manliness exhibited by Lord Castlereagh through the whole progress of the present question. Lord Castlereagh had declared that he did not shrink from responsibility, and had therefore consistently voted for inquiry. Mr. Canning had always pretended that he sought investigation, but voted steady and staunch against inquiry. He badgered him yet farther on another point. How could be commit so flagrant a breach of his public duty as to allow his incompetent colleague (as he conceived him to be) to remain in office? In the course of the last day's debate, March the 30th, on the expedition to the Scheldt, Sir Thomas Turton observed, that Lord Castlereagh, against the opinion of five generals of the first respectability, who considered the risk to be encountered too great for the advantages that might possibly accrue, and without consulting the Earl of Chatham, the commander in chief, or even asking a question of Sir Eyre Coote, the second in command, dispatched the expedi• tion without a plan; whilst the su perior officers were destitute of that confidence which was the soul of energy, and the only basis on which the hope of success could rest. It was the common course of an individual, accused of a breach of privilege, to go out of the house, and leave the question to the dis cussion of those who had to judge of the charge. He asked his Majesty's ministers whether, if they were acquitted by a majority equal to their own number, they would call that a justification? Was it not a sufficient reason that there were so many others in the house who were, in some measure, bound to support their patrons, without themselves lending their aid, and not only assisting to acquit, but actually approving their own con duct? He would put it to their own honour whether they ought not to retire? The ministerial benches laughed. Sir Francis Burdett said, the defence made by or for ministers, amounted to no more than this, that because it was an object of vital importance to destroy Antwerp, it was right to undertake it without the necessary information, and without means adequate to its execution. Among a number of pretences to preposterous management throughout, Sir Francis took particular no tice of the ignorance of Sir Home Popham of the navigation of the Scheldt! To him was intrusted the conduct of the fleet up to Bathz. He attempted to go by the West Scheldt until, by his failure, he found out that he ought to have tried the East Scheldt, &c.-At last they got up to Bathz on the 24th of August. They had now come to the grand point from -which in future all their operations were to proceed. A council of war was called. What did they do? They set off home.--The commanding officers in both services were ignorant, and ministers both ignorant, imbecile, and presumptuous. Both the military and naval commander ought to be tried by a court martial for undertaking to direct an enterprize which, they. confessed, they knew nothing about. As to ministers, they deserved to be punished much more severely than by a vote of censure. Nothing less than the impeachinent of ministers, and trials of the commanders by courts martial, should satisfy the cruel effusion of the blood of its army. The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated that, on the 10th of October, ministers had received intelligence to their minds satisfactory, that hostilities were on the eve of recommencing between Austria and France. Now had ministers, notwithstanding this intelligence, determined on the abandonment of Walcheren, and hostilities on the continent had actually recommenced, what a torrent of invective would have been poured upon ministers, from the honourable gentlemen opposite, for abandoning, at such a period, a conquest before so dearly bought, and then so critically important? From the report of Dr. Blane too it appeared, that the endemial distemper of Walcheren, uniformly abated_in October, and terminated in Noveber. On a division of the house there appeared For the original resolutions of Lord Porchester, 227. Against them, 275. Another division then took place on the amendment of General Crawfurd, approving the conduct of ministers with regard to the policy of the expedition: which was carried, Ayes, 272. Noes, 232. The last resolution of General Crawfurd, approving the retention of Walcheren, was also carried, Ayes, 255. Noes, 232. CHAP. VI. The standing Order for the Exclusion of Strangers from the Gallery of the House of Commons, during the Inquiry into the Scheldt Affair, enforced by Mr. Yorke Motion on the Subject of this standing Order by Mr. Sheridan-Who displays the Advantages of the Liberty of the Press, and particularly the unrestrained Publication of the Debates and Proceedings of Parliament.—Mr. Sheridan's Motion negatived-The Vote for enforcing the standing Order made a Subjeet of Discussion in a Debating Club, and severely censured?" John Gale Jones, the President of the Club, sent to Newgate by the House of Commons-In this Step, it is contended, by Sir Francis Burdett, that the House of Commons exceeded their Constitutional Powers.→ Motion by Sir Francis for the Liberation of John Gale Jones Debate The Motion negatived by a vast Majority-Letter from Sir Francis Burdett to his Constituents, published in a Weekly Paper, denying the Right of the House of Commons to imprison the People of England-Brought under the Consideration of the House of Commons.-Long Debates-Sir Francis Burdett ordered to be sent to the Tower.-Delay in the Execution of the Order.-Saucy Letter from Sir Francis to the Speaker of the House of Commons.-Sir Francis taken from his House by Force, and sent to the Tower-Tumults and Accidents-Sir Francis Burdett's Letter to the Speaker laid by him before the House.-Severe Strictures on the Conduct of Sir Francis Burdett.-Resolution of the House of Commons on Sir Francis Burdett's Letter to the Speaker-Actions at Law brought by Si Francis Burdett against the Speaker, the Serjeant at Arms, and the Earl of Moira, as Constable of the Tower.-These Parties defended. And the Privilege of the House of Commons, in the Cases to usich they refer, recognized by the Court of King's Bench, as Part of the Law of the Land.—Addresses to Sir Francis Burdett, and Patitions to the House of Commons for his Release; and also for that of Mr. Jones from Newgate.—A grand Procession arranged, intended as an Act of National Homage to Sir Francis Burdett, on the Day of his Liberation from the Tower -Sir Francis Burdett slips away from the Tower by Water.-Discontents at this.-But the Procession goes on.-Remarks on the Conduct of Sir Francis burdett in conniving at the Design, but declining to join in the Procession-Reflections on the Practice of publishing Daily Accounts of what passes in Parlia took place which, though apparently only of a trivial nature, gave rise to much important discussion. Mr. Yorke, February the 1st, gave notice that when the inquiry should be gone into, he would proceed to enforce the standing order of the house for the exclusion of strangers. This he did, not from any wish to keep their proceedings from publicity, in due time, but with a view to guard against the possibility of any misrepresentation or misunderstanding out of doors before the minutes should be published. The house having rcsolved itself into a Committee on the expedition to the Scheldt next day, Mr. Yorke, according to his notice, moved the standing order for the exclusion of strangers, which was of course enforced. On the subject of this standing order, one of those settled at the cominencement of every session of parliament, a motion was made, February the 6th, by Mr. Sheridan. There was nothing in what he should propose that, savoured of party motive or political bias. His sole object was to impress on that house the vital necessity of meriting by its conduct, at that critical period more than ever, the confidence of the people. A House of Commons that regarded its own character, and respected the opinion of its constituents and the public, should not resist the feelings of the public at a period like the present. was there in the investigation in which the house was now engaged that called for secrecy disclaimed in a recent inquiry which might have pleaded for that delicacy Would the house grant to an accased ministry that protection which concealment could afford on a question of great political im What portance, after having refused it to the son of their king, in an inquiry where the house was compelled to put aside the veil which the imperfections of humanity had thrown over the frailties of domestic life? He was willing to believe that ministers did not wish to screen their conduct by any such expedient, and he was sure, from the inde- ̈ pendent political career of Mr. Yorke who had enforced the order, that he would have disdained to be their instrument for any such purpose; and he was at a loss to conjecture what could have induced the honourable gentleman to press that order at that most perilous crisis. He begged leave to ask what was the sanctity of this supposed standing order? In the first place, he contended, that it was no standing order at all. It was passed at the opening of the session upon question. It might have been rejected when proposed, and of course was liable to revision and repeal on any subsequent occasion. It was a mistaken idea to suppose that that order empowered any member to call upon strangers to withdraw. The order, which Mr. Sheridan read, said, "That any stranger appearing in the house shall be taken into custody by the serjeant." The power and authority rested with the serjeant at arins alone. And how was he to enforce it? If, in proceeding to obey the order, the serjeant should find two or three hundred persons collected in the gallery, it would be in possible for him to take them all into custody, and therefore he must shut them up in the gallery whilst he went to collect his possi comitatus. In the mean time the de The minutes of the evidence were published every third day, during the progress of the investigation, G4 bate |