2

near Doncaster, in the years when Wyclif was still a lad at home. Rolle's Psalter exists in various forms. The earliest would appear to be a metrical version in Northern or West Midland English made between 1300 and 1350. But this cannot with any certainty be ascribed to Rolle himself. This metrical anonymous version, however, was extensively copied at least 23 MSS. are still extant-and passed under Rolle's name. More certain is the Latin version followed by an English translation, if such a mere literal construe can be called. later days the lollards took to issuing Rolle's Psalter with glosses of their own inserted, but whether this was done in Wyclif's lifet me is uncertain.

In

In 1902 Miss A. C. Paues printed what she called, somewhat loosely, A Fourteenth-Century Biblical Version, which she dated as anterior to Wyclif. Those whose knowledge of the work was confined to little more than the title considered that here, at any rate so far as the New Testament was concerned, was More's last version. In reality the version is not one, but a collection in the same cover of two separate works. one, a translation of the Pauline and catholic epistles in which the Latin is rendered with clearness and idiomatic ease was the work, it would seem, of a man of Kent or the south-eastern counties. This part was the original, to which was afterwards added a

The

2For Rolle and his works, see Camb. Hist. of English Literature, 11. 43-8; C. Horstmann, Yorkshire Writers-Richard Rolle of Hampole, 2 vols., 1895-6, and J. E. Wells, A Manual of the Writings in Middle English (Yale, Univ. Press. 1916, 11c., with new appendix, 1920). This invaluable work, owing to the war and the difficulties of importing it, is not yet so well known in England as it should be. Rolle's Job still exists only in MSS. in the British Museum. Rolle's Psalter was edited by H. R. Bransley (Oxford, 1884).

3Some of my readers may be interested in the following 'howler,' among many. The author translates 'Philippos, quae est prima partis Macedoniae civitas colonia' (see Vulgate, Acts xvi. 12) 'the city of Cologne.'

southern transcript of a version made in the north-east midland of the catholic epistles, the Acts and the first six chapters of St. Matthew. Of these Matthew, Acts ii. and iii., John and Jude seem to be borrowed from a still earlier version. The northern version is the work of a poor Latin scholar, 3 but in clearness of expression and idiomatic use of English both versions, in the judgment of the scholars who have studied them, are superior to Wyclif's, while the southern version is on an equality even with Purvey's. It is interesting to note that both the northern and southern versions made less use of French loan words than either Wyclif or Purvey.

This version, both in its northern and southern forms, according to Miss Paues was perfectly orthodox and intended for a nunnery. But the rejection of a monastic origin is strengthened by the signs that the writer, though not an extreme lollard, was in sympathy with the movement, as is shown by his giving a translation for the 'lewd' of the 'bare text' without the Latin side by side, and without glosses. The reference to the obtaining forgiveness by confession to God only also smells of lollardy. Possibly the writer of the southern version, as Miss Deanesly suggests, was one of the five who wrote Nicholas Hereford's original manuscript now in the Bodleian, one of whom appears to hail from Kent. But this is conjecture, and we are equally uncertain as to the year If a lollard, the date would probably be earlier than the completion of Purvey's version. The reference to the danger of 'death' for making such a version would point to a time when persecution had begun, possibly after the passing of Wyclif. But this last must not be

pressed too far, for references to death and danger do not always imply any legal warrant. All that is certain is that the northern and southern versions were united in one script about 1400.

manu

In addition to the New Testament published by Miss Paues there existed also an English version of the Synoptic Gospels, with the Latin text and a gloss mainly translated from Peter Lombard. The writer tells us that he 'was stirred up to begin of (by) one that I suppose verily was God's servant,' for 'the gospel is rule by which each Christian man ought to live,' phrases which strongly point to the influence of Wyclif and his teaching. There are reasons for believing that it was by the author of a lollard work called The Pore Caitif. There has also survived in a single manuscript a 'very literal and stiff translation' of the Pauline Epistles, 2 practically a construe from Latin into 'rough and pedestrian' English. This version, which shows an antiWycliffite tendency, was made about the close of the fourteenth century, not for the public but for the author's own use in giving instruction, possibly, as Miss Deanesly suggests, in the Lincoln cathedral school. All these versions were written in a northern or north midland dialect; in fact the 'earliest home of the English Bible was the North of England.' Lest our Yorkshire readers boast overmuch we add that the fact may be accounted for by the greater ignorance of French and Latin in the North

1See Well's Manual, 407, 482. 2Edited by Miss M. J. Powell for the Early English Text Society in 1916.

3See Wells, l.c., 289 ff.

1Purvey tells us, writing in 1405, that 'there was a man of London, his name was Wyring, had a Bible in English of northern speech, and it seemed two hundred year old' evidently the Anglo-Saxon version of Abbott Aelfric of Eynsham (†1020).

3Deanesly, op. cit. 315.

than in the more cultured South. From the North also came, probably from near Durham, the various rhymed gospels, MSS. of which were once very numerous, now generally known as The Northern Homily Collection. 3 Whether Wyclif, who was born not far from Durham, would be acquainted with any of these in his earlier days we cannot say.

From this hurried survey of the various translations of the age we can see at once how strangely the tide was flowing in Wyclif's day towards a vernacular Bible. Wyclif's translation-for we may still continue with advantage to give his name to the vernacular editions, of which, as Archbishop Arundel told us, he was 'the instigator'-it is clear, formed part of a movement manifesting itself in many separate efforts. But our survey also shows us that none of these translations were other than partial, and that the supposed preWyclif Bible of More and Gasquet does not exist, at any rate has not yet been brought to light. In all probability More mistook for an earlier translation either Wyclif's first version, as distinct from Purvey'sfor it was Purvey's version that More was acquainted with-or possibly a copy of the Anglo-Saxon version. Apart also from the translation of the Apocalypse 'the reasons for believing that any biblical version, or part of it, substantially preceded the Wycliffite ones are small....Even the midland glossed gospels, almost certainly the earliest, were written through Wycliffite inspiration.' 3

I

Cardinal Gasquet, in his scepticism as to the origin of the Wycliffite versions, made a point from the fact that neither Wyclif's nor Purvey's version correspond in the slightest with the complete translation of the Sunday

Gospels, given by Wyclif in his English Sermons. 4 Until recently this was explained away by supposing that Wyclif when preaching would have the Vulgate open before him and made his translation as he went along. But it 's scarcely probable that Wyclif would find time for his life is incredibly full-to write out in full his English sermons. The Sermons in their present form are more likely to be the transcript from his notes, made by one of his assistants for the benefit of his poor priests or travelling preachers. But the vernacular gospels in Wyclif's Sermons prove how strongly the tide was flowing towards translation, as well as the slow stages by which the translation of a complete Bible was reached. We have, in fact, no less than three prose translations still surviving of the Sunday Gospels with homilies attached. The best known of these is that of Wyclif to which we have referred, the popularity of which is evidenced by the survival of 19 manuscripts, in spite of all the efforts to suppress Wyclif's works. Here homily and translation are interwoven. Strange to say, here say, here once Wyclif gives two sermons on the same Gospel, but the translation is completely different, a fact which would seem to point to different assistant translators. The Sermons, therefore, give us one of Wyclif's essays in Gospel translation. But the fact that they are more free from the clumsy renderings and attempts to follow the Latin word order so characteristic of the Wyclif version would seem to point to a date intermediate between Wyclif's version and Purvey's, or else to show-and this seems to me the more probable that they were

4These were published by T. Arnold, Select English Works of J. Wyclif, 3 vols., Oxford, 1871.

edited by one of his followers. If trans ated by Wyclif they are conclusive proof that he had nothing to do with the clumsy paraphrases of the Gospels in the first version. There were also two other prose translations of the Sunday Gospels, one existing in four manuscripts and the other in two. The writer of the first, who lived apparently after Wyclif's death, expected considerable opposition, and in consequence 'my name,' he wrote, 'will I not name for the enemies that might hear it.' The second was written about 1400.

We have dwelt at such length on the problems connected with the lollard translations that we must forbear all examination of the other contention of Sir Thomas More and Dr. Gasquet, that the Church before the Reformation did not discourage vernacular Scriptures. The main part of Miss Deanesly's work is the careful collection of all the evidence as to the attitude of the medieval Church to the use of the Bible by the laity both in England and abroad. The result is to demolish altogether Dr. Gasquet's arguments and to show that in the main, stripped of its excesses, the old Protestant tradition was correct. On the Continent the demand for vernacular Scriptures would appear to have been the work of the German mystics, Friends of God, and Brethren of the Common Life in the Rhine Valley, and was frowned upon both by the parochial clergy and the friars. But the denunciation of vernacular Scriptures was by no means unanimous and ranged from the cautious pronouncements of the Roman Curia, e. t. that of Gregory XI in 1375, and of the larger synods, down to the wild utterances of individual bishops and controversial friars and inquisitors.

M

Some of the opponents refused to allow the literal translation of any part, unaccompanied by an explanation, lest it should be wrested to a wrong meaning. The more moderate insisted on the sacred Vulgate being published side by side with the construe; or that the vernacular Scriptures should be licensed and supervised, this last the characteristic compromise of the synod of Oxford. This skilful provision gave the authorities all

they desired. Licences could be gran ed to the rich and powerful, and als to well-known priests or monasteries but for the poor to have a copy the English Bible without a license was to have taken the first step towards the fire both for book and owner. The self-education of the laity in spiritual things through the spread of vernacular Scriptures was no part of the business of the medieval Church.1

H. B. WORKMAN.

ON a brilliant Sunday in August, 1833, Emerson arrived on the moors at Craigenputtock. He was a widower at thirty, interested in letters and philosophy, who had made a first visit to Europe attracted by several living writers, one of whom was Thomas Carlyle, whose Essays, as they appeared in the Reviews had suggested to him the arrival of a new prophet, especially the essay entitled 'Characteristics.' He drove from Dumfries to Craigenputtock furnished with an introduction from Stuart Mill, was warmly welcomed, and invited to stay overnight.

Carlyle was then in his thirtyeighth year, and denied his niche, 'a lonely scholar nourishing his mighty

heart.' He had written 'Sartor' two years before, but failed to find a publisher for the manuscript, which his gifted wife read and returned to

1 For a good account of medieval religious life, I may commend B. L. Manning's The People's Faith in the Time of Wyclif (1919).

her despondent partner in the strugg saying: 'It is a work of genius, dear! Upon the exiled Carlyles the winsome young American dropped like 'an angel out of the clouds,' a messenger of hope, a call to self-confidence Jane Welsh described the visit & 'an enchantment, which left her weep ing that it was only one day.' T Carlyle the stranger was an ap parition.' He told his mother tha the American was one of the mo lovable creatures in himself we ha ever looked upon,' and added: Jane says it is the first journey sinc Noah's Deluge undertaken to Craige puttock for such a purpose.' Emerson who found Carlyle 'one of the mo simple and frank of men,' has left us graphic account of the visit in h 'English Traits.'

Emerson instructed Fraser, the Lo don publisher, to send him his mas zine, in which 'Sartor' was about appear in instalments. After fo

umbers had reached him in Boston, he ventured upon his first letter to Carlyle. It was then May, 1834, and he Carlyles were getting settled in Chelsea. One of the noblest comositions ever written by one genius o a contemporary, by the younger nan to a senior, is this opening letter of a correspondence, published in two volumes, than which there is not in all iterature a more worthy or more nspiring record of friendship. No

rrangement with a view to corespondence had been made. Emerson vrites as a stranger introducing himelf for the second time, ventures pon certain friendly criticisms of Sartor, and proclaims his self-respect nd independence in this memorable entence: 'And though with all my eart I would stand well with my oet, yet if I offend I shall quietly etreat into my universal relations, herefrom I affectionately espy you s a man, myself as another.'

In the following August Carlyle eplied. He was then, in Johnson's amous phrase, 'struggling for life n the water.' He reciprocated Emeron's overtures of friendship with a ush of warm sentiment, and alluded o his 'prophetic dream' of emigrating o America-'that I might end in he Western Woods.' For the next en years Carlyle experienced a deserate economic struggle. By his Iwn frequent confession Emerson was irgely helpful to him. His heart as deeply touched by the tragic spect of the situation-a man of itanic power denied ordinary comorts in exchange for exceptional cholarship and a literary style which roclaimed him the artist with words. He gathered together a group of ultured Bostonians, and set them to ork with the end in view of getting oney for Carlyle out of America.

Emerson himself was the literary agent, Dr. Le Baron Russell edited Sartor, first published in Boston as an entire volume, and Freeman Clarke, among others, assisted Emerson to make business for Carlyle.

Alike in moral stimulus and in financial aid derived from the sale of his books in America, Emerson sustained Carlyle throughout his London period of 'desperate hope.' In 1835 he wrote to the despairing, gloom-encompassed dyspeptic at Chelsea, saying: 'Believe when you are weary, that you who stimulate and rejoice virtuous young men, do not write a line in vain.' In 1838 Emerson wrote in his diary: 'A letter this morning from Thomas Carlyle. How should he be so poor? It is the most creditable poverty I know of;' and immediately thereafter he concluded a letter thus: 'Farewell, dear wise man, I think your poverty honourable above the common brightness of that thorn-crown of the great.' Remittances from Boston, sent by Emerson, arrived regularly at Chelsea. Ingratitude was never among the defects of Carlyle's qualities.

He was exuberant in his recognition of the unwearied devotion to his interest of the Bostonians, who had saved him from the dread of being thrown into the street, or compelled to borrow money.' He refused to examine the accounts sent by Emerson, and added: 'At bottom this money. was all yours; not a penny of it belonged to me by any law except that of helpful friendship.'

Carlyle was repeatedly invited to America both before and after his successful venture as lecturer in Willis' Rooms, London. But the American visit was finally abandoned when Emerson made his second visit to England in 1847-48. Carlyle then