whose names he is acquainted with held the pen? Dr. Beddoes knows that a reviewer will not step from behind the screen to confute him: but he ought to know also, that, after thus throwing down the gauntlet, his hasty, rash, and unfounded assertions will be treated with little ceremony, or their erroneous tendency be duly exposed.

With respect to the breath of cows, our author himself begins to hesitate; and seems inclined to prefer the hot-bed, the fermenting tanner's bark, to these beastly bedfellows-in other words, to prefer the steady warm temperature of an apartment artificially heated by fire and the air of fermenting vegetable matter. Persons must have little acquaintance with the feelings of consumptive patients, not to know what pleasure they experience from open air. What has been said of the effects of riding, of sailing, and of swinging? and what is the credit due to Dr. Beddoes beyond what Fuller, Sydenham, Gilchrist, and Carmichael Smith can claim? Each author, and every patient, is aware that the constant impulse of air, moderately cool, checks the hectic fever, and contributes to the relief experienced from these exercises. We repeat, therefore, that there is no evidence of any cure of confirmed consumption by art. Nature has interposed, and a vomica has been completely spit up, when neither digitalis, hydrocarbonate, hemlock, nor mercury has been employed.

In scrofula, our author recommends muriat of lime; but the reader has seen how far Dr. Beddoes's assertions, or cases, are likely to influence us. The muriatic acid is saturated with` lime; and a drachm is given as a medium dose. To young children, ten drops are exhibited three or four times a day.

Dr. Kinglake adds some cases and observations on the use of digitalis, and of analogous remedies in phthisis. This author seems to admit that the foxglove is less likely to be of service in the ulcerated state; and we well know how difficult the distinction is between the tubercular and catarrhal states. He allows also that no effect can be produced on the abscess, but through the medium of the constitution. He speaks, however, vaguely of moderate stimulants, nutritious diet, &c.; so that we are led to suspect a little of the leven of Brunonism. In his examination of the modus operandi of digitalis, our su spicion is confirmed. He thinks it a narcotic stimulant:-we think the same, and that its narcotic powers correct the stimulating effects; so that, like the opposition of plus and minus, the ultimate result o. It is, nevertheless, probable that the narcotic power predominates; and then-mors cmnibus communis. Some remarks from M. Hufeland on the use of oleum hyoscyami in hæmoptoë, and on external applications in phthisis, follow; and some later reports, not very satisfactory, of the state of patients whose cases are recorded, conclude the volume.

CRIT. REV. Vol. 35. July, 1802.

2 A

MONTHLY CATALOGUE.
CATALOGUE.

POLITICS.

ART. 16. Remarks on the late Definitive Treaty of Peace, signed at Amiens March 25, 1802. By William Belsham. 8vo.

binsons. 1802.

25. Ra

The first paragraph of this pamphlet did not tend to impress us with very favourable expectations of its merit. As the treaty of peace is well known to have been made, by a certain, and happily a very small, faction, a subject of gross misrepresentation, it is here inferred that it has also been the subject of misapprehension with the public in general.' So much the contrary, however, that we are inclined to believe there never was a treaty of peace so well understood by the public, or so generally welcomed; and that at no period of our history has the great body of the nation so firmly, or unanimously, concurred in declaring, that the ministers who concluded the peace deserve the praise and gratitude, and not the disapprobation and censure, of their fellow-citizens.' Yet, although this work be scarcely necessary to satisfy the bulk of the people as to the terms of the peace, and will be absolutely thrown away on the faction which opposes them, the remarks of the ingenious author may, nevertheless, occupy with advantage the attention of those who are in the habit of discussing political subjects. The general state of Europe is considered at the time of signing the preliminaries; the articles of the treaty are next discussed; and the chief objections to them are afterwards refuted.

To the inference drawn from the whole we give our cheerful assent,

that the nation is under the highest obligation to those ministers who, entering into a negotiation for peace in the true spirit of conciliation, have with such wisdom, firmness, and moderation, brought to a felicitous conclusion a treaty attended with such numerous and complicated difficulties."

P. 24.

We are willing also to believe that the spirit of the present administration is by all impartial persons allowed to be very different, or rather totally opposite, to that of the last ;'—and the characters of Mr. Pitt and lord Grenville are happily described in the following passages:

To restore Mr. Pitt to his former pre-eminence of power, would be to entrust Phaeton a second time to guide the chariot of

the sun. And so long as lord Grenville remained in office, no rational hope could be entertained of a termination of the war.' P. 26.

On the latter sentence proof sufficient is given, by examining the seven different negotiations in which that unhappy statesman has been engaged. And if they had amounted to seventy times seven, they must all, in his hands, have proved equally ineffectual.'

With the language and conduct of these unfortunate and injudicious ministers may be contrasted the sentiments of the present premier.

When I look forward' (he said, with his usual mildness and sagacity,) to the prospect before us, it is with hope; and I trust that, by a prudent and vigilant economy, we shall be able to provide effectually for the expenses of the country. I think, if we are enabled permanently to preserve the blessings we enjoy, we shall accomplish this great object in the best manner, by a fixed determination not to attempt to interfere with any other country; but to be prepared always to vindicate our independence, and to maintain our honour.' P. 31.

With this sentiment, after a proper censure on the invectives against Bonaparte, the writer concludes-(it will be, we hope, the prevailing sentiment of the present cabinet, as it is of all the best politicians in the island!)

If we detach ourselves, as far as circumstances will admit, from the quarrels of the continent, and content ourselves with fighting our own battles upon our own element,-though peace will at all times be highly desirable,—should occasion arise to render war really just and necessary, there will be no reason to regard it as peculiarly dangerous or terrible.' P. 39.

ART. 17.-A brief Address to the Electors of Great-Britain, on the ap proaching General Election. By an Elector. an Elector. 8vo. 9d. Longman

and Rees. 1802.

A well-meant, but ineffectual attempt, we fear, to stir up the electors of Great-Britain to a just sense of their duty, and to elect those candidates only who are likely to exercise the great trust reposed in them with fidelity. The root of the evil in our modern parliaments is the length of their duration; and as long as this remains, it is in vain to talk of the constitution, or to think of a diminution of the burdens under which the country groans. It is not in human nature-to adopt the phrase of a fallen minister-that, when the temptations to personal interest are so strong, representatives elect ed for seven years should continue to feel themselves connected in one common interest with their constituents: and from the time of the septennial act a gradual advance to the present state of things, towards the complete triumph of influence, is marked by facts too glaring to bear any longer controversy. The only mode, then, to return to the constitution, is, to shorten the duration of parliaments, and to give the electors an additional controul over their representatives; without

which our boasted constitution exists orly in name, and not in reality. Chuse then, says this writer, men of these sentiments, and the con stitution may be restored; for England can never be ruined but by a parliament.'

ART. 18.-An Historical Sketch of the Invasions, or Descents, upon the British Islands, from the Landing of William the Conqueror to the present Time. Taken from the French. With a Continuation by the Translator. Illustrated with a Chart of Great-Britain and Ireland, and the surrounding Coasts, from the Mediterranean to the North Sea. on which every Descent is correctly delineated. 4to. Stock

dale. 1801.

2s. 6d.

From this slight sketch we may learn that an enemy has seldom attempted the invasion of this island without making good his landing; and, indeed, where there exists a choice of such a tract of sea-coast, no fleet whatever can secure a country from such an attack, The event of an invasion depends on the state of the country; for it is impossible for an enemy to land a sufficient body of troops to conquer it, unless the inhabitants are become despicable cowards, or are divided among themselves. The epithet of perfidious and designing, applied to the enemy with which we have had to contend, is perfectly ridiculous; for, when we landed our own troops at Qui beron and Ostend, the French might have called us, with the same propriety, perfidious and designing." The two hostile countries have invaded each other a sufficient number of times to show the folly of such predatory attacks; and, it is to be hoped, have gained wisdom enough to live in future contented, each with their respective advantages, without harassing themselves, and disturbing the peace of the world, for nothing.

RELIGION.

ART. 19.-Leslie's Short and easy Method with the Deists; wherein the Certainty of the Christian Religion is established by four infallible, Marks. (In a Letter to a Friend.) To which are subjoined four additional Marks from the same Author's subsequent Tract, entitled, The Truth of Christianity demonstrated. Compressed by Francis Wrangham, M.A. 8vo. Is. 6d. Mawman. 1802.

To convert the deists is not an easy task; but their numbers will diminish in proportion as Christians live agreeably to the pre cepts of their master. Hence the best object is to make the holy scriptures the basis of instruction, and to leave those who reject their anthority to their own misconceptions. But though the deist be little likely to attend to the four marks here proposed to him, they may be usefully investigated by the Christian, who will thus see in a short compass those arguments which to a serious mind are irre sistible. In republishing so well known a work, the editor was, we doubt not, actuated by the best principles; but we cannot see the propriety of making it the vehicle of a dedication to a young nobleman.

ART. 20.-Proposals for a new Arrangement of the Revenue, and Resi dence of the Clergy. By E. Poulter. 8vo. No Publisher's Name,

Among the numerous plans for meliorating the state of the clergy, few are written with so great a regard as this before us to the mu tual interests of the clergy and laity. The notion of any peculiar sacredness attached to the persons or property of the church is justly set aside; and the institution is considered, as it ought to be, without reference to the pretended rights claimed by the Romish church,

There is no foundation,' (says the writer) either in the principles or practices of our constitution in church and state, for considering the per sons or property of the church, more, or less, sacred than those of the state. These opposite errors arise from the equal fallacies of supposing the superiority, or the inferiority, of either to the other; there being in fact, and in law, as far as concerns persons and property, an actual and legal equality between them; and the benefit of clergy, which was always confined to their persons, with the divine right which extended to their professions, have long since been totally done away, as exclusive protections; in the remains, or revival, of which invidi ous past distinctions can alone originate any false ideas of present difference.' P. 3.

After stating the disadvantages attendant on the present system of tithes, the following new arrangement is proposed.

A

A survey and valuation to be procured under general sworn commissioners (partly lay, partly clerical) appointed by an act, for each county, of the tithes in each parish; to the amount of which, a composition in rent to be established by them, binding on both parties, until either, on account of supposed change in the value of the said tithes, shall demand a similar re-survey, at the expense of the party so of right, and at will, demanding it. The special commissioners in each instance (being not less than three of the general comraissioners) to be nominated jointly by the parties concerned; that is, one by the parish, one by the incumbent, and the third to be agreed on by the other two. The valuation to be procured with the ut most precision, by actual admeasurement where necessary, and otherwise. The security of the actual tithes to remain as it is, to the proprietor; which he may resort to, and enter upon, whenever the payment of the composition shall be in arrear, in the same manner as in the case of any other freehold on lease.' P. 7.

Some objections to this admirable plan are obviated; the mode of valuing the tithes is clearly laid down; and from the consideration of tithes our attention is carried to that of residence, which is to be enforced in a very simple, easy, and by no means disgraceful, manner. It is proposed that a register should be kept in every parish of the duty performed, as it is in cathedral churches. This register is to be examined constantly at the visitation; proper penalties are to be applied to defaulters; and the penalties paid by incumbents are to be divided in premiums to the curates. Thus the lower order