own families, without any certain or settled territory, and almost without a certain name. From the conquest of Gaul by Julius Cæsar, till its conquest by Clovis, the history of the Gauls belongs to the history of the Roman empire, and could not with propriety, nor with success, be detached from it. I have only made such inquiries, and mentioned such facts, respecting the previous state of these, and of the other people who composed the French nation, as are calculated to make us somewhat acquainted with their origin, their numbers, their degree of civilisation, and their general character and manners, about the era at which the history of the French monarchy commences. Many of the facts, it is true, are remote from that æra: they do not, at such a distance, admit of any certain conclusion; yet they afford that degree of information which tends, even after so long an interval, to illustrate subjects which are important and interesting. We do not, for example, know the number of the people over the whole extent of Gaul at the time of Clovis; but we are able to reckon them, with some degree of accuracy, at the time of Julius Cæsar. The interval is about five hundred years; but there were no such wars, nor revolution of any kind, in Gaul, during all that time, as to give us reason for supposing that the number of the people ought to have been diminished. We are under the necessity of forming the same probable conclusion, from similar remote facts, respecting agriculture.

Many years have elapsed since I began my inquiries into French history, and to write essays on that subject. The plan which I preferred when I resolved to publish, required both that these essays should be considerably altered in their form, and that others more recently composed should be added: this will account for that variety which may appear in the style.

The plan was not suggested by Dr. Henry's History of GreatBritain; but in attempting to arrange the several essays afterwards, a similarity was observed; and on farther deliberation I resolved to adopt his plan, and proceed in composing what was then wanting to complete it. I admire his work, and will be content if I shall be thought to have successfully imitated it.

• The first book therefore, which this volume contains, is divided into seven chapters. The first chapter is the history of civil and military affairs; the second, is the history of religion and of the church; the third, is that of laws and government; the fourth, of literature; the fifth, of the arts; the sixth, of commerce; and the seventh, of language, customs, and manners.

In the execution of a plan so extensive, and requiring so much research and judgement, I am very sensible of much imperfection; but I beg leave to observe, that some deficiencies will appear which ought not to be imputed to the author, but to the want of materials in the original historians: many of the subjects treated in these chapters were scarcely at all regarded by them, nor indeed much even by more modern historians till later times. The plan of this history, though less capable of elegance, is obviously attended with many and important advantages: while it obliges the author to search with indefatigable industry for the materials suited to the subjects of the several chapters, and to separate and arrange them carefully, each

according to its own kind, it enables the reader to prosecute any one of them without perplexity or interruption. The composition of such a history, however, must be attended with the more anxiety and labour, that the scene of it is a foreign country. The author cannot feel the same interest in many questions and facts, as a person to whom, from his infancy, they have been familiar: he must remain totally ignorant of some things which residence on the spot might suggest, which converse with literary Frenchmen, or which easy access to the repositories of French literature, might illustrate. If the success of this volume should encourage him to proceed, he requests the literary aid of all who have it in their power to furnish him with hints, with information, or with friendly correction, as far as it may yet be profitable.

The French empire having attained its greatest extent and power under Charlemagne, his death, A. D. 814, after which it began rapidly to decline, appears to be a proper period with which to conclude this book and volume. The second book and volume, which is nearly ready for the press, if publication shall be encouraged, brings down the history, on the same plan, to the commencement of the third dynasty, or Capetian race of kings.

It is only necessary to add, that the utmost caution and fidelity have been used in examining every subject, and especially what seemed doubtful or controverted; and that, throughout the whole work, due reference is made always to the original and most approved authors.' P. iii.

The plan is certainly too extensive for the history of a foreign country; and the author has displayed little judgement in its adoption. We shall not pretend to have perused a work of this prolix appearance. Upon dipping into it occasionally, we observe few features of solid learning, and no trace of the powers requisite for historical composition. Even old Mezeray is better; and the abridgement by Hénault is far superior to such a history. But as the work has some pretensions, we shall extract a passage or two from the reign of Charlemagne, the period most calculated to call forth historical powers.

The state of Italy again required his presence. The pope, considering himself now a temporal prince, was more ready than formerly both to take and give offence; and whenever his pride and resentment rose higher than he could well support or gratify, he needed only to call on his lord paramount Charles, to hasten to his. aid. The governor of Naples, still under the empire of Constantinople, had presumed to withhold some revenue from the church of Rome. Instead of spiritual, the holy father made trial of worldly weapons of warfare, and took possession of the city of Terracino by way of reprisals. The Neapolitan governor having dared to surprise and recover the city, the pope immediately complained to Charles; and in order to quicken his motions, informed him of an intended conspiracy of the duke of Benevento, and of the Greeks, to place Adalgise, son of the late king Didier, on the throne of Italy.

• Charles's veneration for the pope was extreme. He was not only desirous of gratifying his wishes, but believed that his sacred cha racter and office gave a peculiar sanction to the acts which he approved and confirmed, that nothing could violate. He was a daily witness too of the respect and deference universally shown to him by both laity and clergy. He readily resolved therefore to go to italy, and had no doubt that his presence there, with even a small retinue which could not deserve the naine of an army, would quiet the pope's apprehensions, and secure him a peaceful accommodation with Naples.

He carried a part of his family with him, the queen Hildegarde, and two of his youngest sons by her, Carloman and Lewis, neither of whom was yet baptised; the king had deferred the baptism of both, that it might be performed by the hands of the pope in person; and in the ceremony, the name Carloman was changed to that of Pepin. He had another object in view; he was desirous that his two sons should be solemnly consecrated by the pope. Lombardy and Aquitaine had each been accustomed to a resident sovereign. Carloman, now Pepin, was solemnly appointed king of the former, and Lewis of the latter. Thus he hoped to gratify the people of these countries respectively, and at the same time secure them as the patrimonial dominions of the younger branches of his family, against the ambition and usurpation of his elder sons, Pepin by a former marriage, and Charles. His intention was good, and it appears to have made himself, his family, and his subjects, contented and happy. Thus young, for Lewis was but three years of age, his sons early acquired the language and manners of these countries, and were thereby the more likely to secure the affections of the people.

In the absence of Charles, the Saxons again rebelled. Witikind, a famous Saxon general, a man of superior talents and great influence, a zealous and determined patriot, had often united and frequently headed his countrymen in rebellion against the French government. When others offered and swore allegiance, his mind could not endure the thought of submission. They as readily violated their oath; but a manly, if not a religious dignity, constantly guarded him against a situation in which there was danger of violating his integrity. As often as he could assemble and maintain a Saxon army, he led them with skill and valour to the field. When he was deserted, or overcome by superior discipline or numbers, his active and daring mind found means of escape or protection till the rage of war abated. He glowed with the desire of rescuing Saxony from a foreign yoke, and embraced every opportunity which seemed to promise him success. Observing the zeal of Charles to convert his nation to the Christian religion, and persuaded that his motives were political, he did all in his power to counteract the missionaries, and to frustrate their scheme of civilisation. He assured the Saxons that the aim of Charles and of the French bishops, under the pretext of humanity and the desire of saving their souls, was to subject both their minds and bodies; and, in abolishing the religious rites and ancient customs of their ancestors, to impose on them a yoke, which, when too late, they would feel insupportable.

Inflamed by such a doctrine, addressed to them with simple but enthusiastic eloquence, the Saxons rose with a religious and pa triotic fury, attacked the missionaries and every person of clerical appearance, forced them to flee from the country, razed the churches, and expressed the highest indignation against every thing connected with France.

Charles and his predecessors had employed every kind of expedient in vain, to subject and restrain this people. To have granted them absolute and independent sovereignty, was to have exposed the eastern provinces of France to perpetual incursions and plunder. There seemed nothing therefore remaining, but to adopt the severest possible measures, cut off entirely their leaders, deluge the whole country with the blood of the people, or transplant them, and repeople the land with new colonies.

On these principles, and according to this plan, Charles proceeded from the beginning, or followed it, as new occurrences suggested, or rendered it eligible and necessary. Having received information of the persecution of the teachers of the Gospel, and of all the official persons under the government of France; of the return of Witikind from Denmark, whither he had formerly fed for refuge; and of the general revolt of Saxony; he sent orders to his kinsman, count Teuderic, to assemble as many troops as he possibly could on the banks of the Rhine, and without delay proceed against the rebels. Teuderic performed his duty with alacrity and promptitude; but three subordinate generals, envious of his superiority, and jealous of the reputation which he might acquire by sharing in their success, resolved to act without his orders, on their own principles, and for their own honour. Not waiting for his directions, they broke up their camp, and marched with precipitation against the Saxons, as an enemy whom they despised, and whom they were confident they must conquer.

• Witikind with his Saxons was prepared for their approach. He had intelligence of their march, and of the disposition of their generals; and had his army drawn up in the order of battle before the camp, which the French in their folly expected so easily to storm and to plunder. He endured their first onset, which, as usual, was violent; then suddenly extending his line to both right and left, he attacked them on both flanks with such success, as threw them almost instantly into disorder. Great numbers were slain, and among others two generals, four counts, and twenty-four other persons of distinction. The remainder of the army fled to Teuderic's camp, carrying the mournful tidings of their rashness and calamity.

Charles no sooner heard of the defeat, than he raised another army, and led it himself into Saxony. Every hostile appearance was dissipated as he approached. Witikind fled again to Denmark. The chief nobility and principal officers were summoned, and came, under awful apprehensions of their fate, within the lines of an immense French army. On being questioned about their perpetual violation of treaties, and their endless turbulence and hostilities, they endeavoured to exculpate themselves, and meanly throw the blame on their absent Leader Witikind. "He could not have committed these outrages,"

replied Charles, without your countenance and assistance. Too long-continued lenity, and my humane attempts to civilise and save you, have only encouraged your licentiousness and rebellion. An example of extreme severity seems absolutely necessary to subdue the ferocity, and to quiet the restless spirit of your countrymen." On a signal given, they were surrounded and disarmed; four thousand five hundred of them were selected, and being conducted to Verden, were beheaded.' P. 152.

Our next extract shall be from that chapter which contains the history of learning.

• As we descend through the seventh century, we can expect no improvement in learning. The rivalship and jealousies of Brunehaut and Fredegonde, and the almost constant civil wars which followed, occupied the minds of men generally with other subjects than those of learning. The reign of Dagobert afforded a short respite, and darted a faint glean athwart the darkness of the age. At first he loved learning, and respected learned men; but his love of pleasure prevailed, and contributed rather to bring a reproach not only on letters, but on the learned men whom he had professed to patronise. The weakness of the government during the reign of the last Merovingian princes; the inter-reign of several years; the tyranny of the mayors; the civil wars; and the war against the Saracens, carried on by Charles Martel; were all unfavourable to study and learning: and so much did ignorance prevail, that the period from Dagobert to Charlemagne has been reckoned the darkest in the whole course of the history of France. A few monkish legends, a collection of letters by Boniface bishop of Mayence and others, and some attempts at versification, all bearing interval evidence of the ignorance and rudeness of the age, make up almost the whole catalogue of writings for more than a century.

One of the great employments of the monks and nuns in this age, was to write out, in that beautiful manner, in letters of gold and of various colours, of which many examples still remain, the Psalms of David, the Gospels, the whole Scriptures, and some other ancient compositions. But in other respects, letters were so totally neglected, that the councils of the church repeatedly ordained, that the bishops and priests ought to know the canons of the church; that they ought to be capable of writing a fair hand; that they ought to know, and be able to read, their psalter, &c. And we may judge of the general state of letters in the country, from the great Charles himself not having been taught to write, till he acquired it by his own ambition for learning, after he was emperor, and considerably advanced in life.

Under his patronage and direction, however, literature revived. He invited Alcuin from England, Clement from Ireland, and other learned men wherever he found them, to come and institute schools in France, to superintend the education of youth, and to take such other steps as were calculated to recover the spirit, and promote the study of learning and during his life, his endeavours were not ineffectual.