Libyssan earth shall hide the bones of Annibal.

He therefore thought of nothing but ending his days at Carthage, and being buried in Libya. But in Bithynia there is a sandy place near the sea, which has a small village in it called Libyssa. In this neighbourhood Annibal lived. Having always however a distrust of Prusias on account of his timidity, and dreading likewise the machinations of the Romans, he had some time before ordered seven subterraneous passages to be dug under his house; which were continued a long way under ground and terminated in several distant places, all difficultly discernible from without. By those passages, as soon as he was informed of the orders which Flaminius had given, he attempted to make his escape; but finding the king's guards at the outlets, he resolved to kill himself. Some say, he wound his cloke about his neck, and ordered his servant to put his knees upon his back and pull with all his force, and not to leave twisting till he had quite strangled him. Others inform us that, like Themistocles and Midas, he drank bull's blood. But Livy writes, that having poison in readiness, he mixed it for a draught; and taking the cup in his hand, "Let us deliver the Ro mans," said he, "from their anxieties, since they think it too tedious and dangerous to wait for the death of a poor hated old man. Yet shall not Titus gain a conquest worth envying, or suitable to the generous proceedings of his ancestors, who sent to caution Pyrrhus, though a victorious enemy, against the poison that was prepared for him."

Thus Annibal is said to have died. When the intelligence was brought to the senate, many in that august body were highly displeased. Flaminius appeared too officious and cruel in his precautions to procure the death of that chieftain, now tamed by his misfortunes, like a bird which through age had lost its tail and feathers, and suffered to live in that condition. And as he had no orders to put him to death, it was plain that he did it out of a passion for fame, and to be recorded to after-times as the destroyer of Annibal3. Upon this

86 If this was really the dastardly motive of Flaminius, and nothing of

occasion, they recollected and admired more than ever the humane and generous behaviour of Scipio Africanus; for after he had vanquished Annibal in Africa, at a time when he was extremely formidable and deemed invincible, he neither insisted on his banishment, nor demanded him of his fellow-citizens; but, as he had embraced him at the conference preceding the battle, so after it, when he offered the conditions of peace, he offered not the slightest affront or insult to his misfortunes.

It is reported, that they met again at Ephesus; and Annibal, as they walked together, taking the upper hand, Africanus suffered it and walked on without the least concern. They afterward fell into conversation about great generals, and Annibal asserted that Alexander was the greatest general the world had ever seen, Pyrrhus the second, and he himself the third. Scipio smiled at this, and said, "But in what rank would you have placed yourself, if I had not conquered you?"" O Scipio!" said he, "then I should not have placed myself the third, but the first 37"

it

The generality, admiring this moderaton of Scipio, found the more fault with Flaminius for taking the spoils of an enemy, whom another man had slain. There were some indeed, who applauded the thing, and observed; "That so long as Annibal lived, they must have looked upon him as a fire, which wanted only to be blown into a flame. That, when he was in the vigour of his age, was not his bodily strength or his right-hand, which was so dreadful to the Romans; but his capacity and experience, together with his innate rancour and hatred to their name. And that these are not altered by age: for the native disposition still over-rules the manners; whereas fortune far from remaining the same changes continually, and by new hopes invites those to new enterprises, who were ever at war with us in their hearts." And subsequent events contributed still more to Flaa political tendency entered into his destruction of that illustrious general. It would hardly be possible for all the virtues, all the triumphs of the Romans, to redeem him from the infamy of so base an action.

37 This is recorded by Livy xxxv. 14., and (with some variation) by Plutarch himself, in his Life of Pyrrhus.*

minius' justification. For in the first place Aristonicus, the son of a harper's daughter, on the strength of his being reputed the natural son of Eumenes, filled the whole of Asia with tumult and rebellion: and Mithridates next, after such strokes as he had encountered from Sylla and Fimbria, and so terrible a destruction among his troops and officers, rose up stronger than ever against Lucullus both by sea and land. Annibal, indeed, was never brought so low as Caius Marius had been. For he enjoyed the friendship of a king, from whom he received liberal supplies, and with whose officers both in the navy and army he had important connexions; whereas Marius was a wanderer in Africa, and forced to beg his bread. But the Romans, who had laughed at his African wanderings and distresses, soon afterward bled in their own streets under his rods and axes, and prostrated themselves at his feet. So true it is, that there is nothing either great or little at this moment, which is of sure continuance; and that the changes, which we have to experience, terminate only with our lives. For this reason, some inform us that Flaminius did not act from himself; but that he was joined in commission with Lucius Scipio, and that the sole purpose of their embassy was to procure Annibal's death 38. As we have no account after this of any political or military act of Flaminius, and only know that he died in his bed, it is time to proceed to the parallel.

39 See Livy xxxix. 51., where Annibal is represented as laying this te the charge of the Romans in his last speech.

288

1

PHILOPOEMEN AND FLAMINIUS

COMPARED.

If we consider the extensive benefits which Greece received from Flaminius, we shall find that neither Philopomen, nor other Greeks more illustrious than Philopomen, will stand the comparison with him. For the Greeks always fought against Greeks; but Flaminius, who was not of Greece, fought for that country. And at a time when Philopomen, unable to defend his fellow-citizens who were engaged in a dangerous war, passed over into Crete, Flaminius having vanquished Philip in the heart of Greece, set cities and whole nations free. If we examine their battles, it will appear that Philopomen, while he commanded the Achæan forces, killed more Greeks, than Flaminius in asserting the Grecian cause killed Macedonians.

As to their failings, ambition was the fault of Flaminius, and obstinacy that of Philopomen. The former was passionate, and the latter implacable. Flaminius left Philip in his royal dignity, and pardoned the Atolians: whereas Philopomen, in his resentment against his country, robbed her of several of her dependencies. Besides, Flaminius was always a friend to those, whom he had once served; but Philopomen, merely for the purpose of indulging his anger, was ever ready to destroy the merit of his former favours. For he had been a great benefactor to the Lacedæmonians; yet he afterward demolished their walls, and ravaged their country, and in the end entirely changed and overturned their constitution. Nay, he seems to have sa

crificed his life to his passion and perverseness, by too hastily and unseasonably invading Messenia; instead of taking, like Flaminius, every precaution for his own ́ security and that of his troops.

But Philopomen's military experience was perfected by his many wars and victories. And, while Flaminius decided his dispute with Philip in two engagements, Philopoemen by conquering in an incredible number of battles left fortune no room to question his skill.

Flaminius moreover availed himself of the power of a flourishing commonwealth, and raised himself by its strength; but Philopomen distinguished himself at a time when his country was upon the decline. So that the success of the one is to be ascribed solely to himself, and that of the other to all the Romans. The one had good troops to command; and the other made those good whom he commanded. And though the achievements of Philopomen, being performed against Grecians, do not prove him fortunate, yet they prove him brave. For, where other things are equal, eminent success must be owing to superior excellence. He had to do with two of the most warlike nations among the Greeks; the Cretans who were the most artful, and the Lacedæmonians who were the most valiant: and yet the former he mastered by policy, and the latter by courage. Add to this, that Flaminius had his men ready armed and disciplined to his hand; whereas Philopœmen had the armour of his to alter, and their discipline to new-model. So that the things most contributing to victory were the invention of the one, while the other only practised what was already in use. Accordingly, Philopomen's personal exploits were many and signal; but we find nothing of that kind remarkable in Flaminius. On the contrary, Archedemus a certain Etolian, said, by way of raillery, "While I ran with my drawn sword to charge the Macedonians, who stood firm and continued fighting, Titus was standing still, with his hands lifted up toward heaven and praying."

It is true all the acts of Flaminius were glorious while he was general, and during his lieutenancy too; but Philopomen showed himself no less serviceable and active among the Achæans, while in a private capacity, VOL. III.