the other tokens appearing remarkably good seemed sufficient to dispel the fears of the first: but the soothsayers declared that they were the more alarmed on that very account, for when very favourable signs suddenly follow the most threatening and inauspicious ones, the strangeness of the alteration should the rather be suspected 4. As Pindar however observes,

Nor fire's dread force, nor brasen gate,
Control the high behests of Fate.

He therefore set out to view the place, taking with him his collegue Crispinus, his son Marcellus who was a tribune, and only two hundred and twenty horse, among whom there was not a single Roman; they were all Tuscans, except forty Fregellanians, whose courage and fidelity he had sufficiently experienced. On the summit of the hill, which (as we said before) was covered with trees and bushes, the enemy had placed a centinel, who, without being himself seen, could see every movement in the Roman camp. Those that lay in ambush having intelligence from him of what was going forward, kept close till Marcellus came very near; and then all at once rushed out, spread themselves about him, let fly a shower of arrows, and charged him with their swords and spears. Some pursued the fugitives, and others attacked those who stood their ground. These were the forty Fregellanians; for the Tuscans taking to flight at the first charge, the others closed in a body to defend the consuls, and continued the fight, till Crispinus wounded with two arrows turned his horse to escape, and Marcellus being run through between the shoulders with a lance fell down dead. Then the few Fregellanians that remained, leaving the body of Marcellus, carried off his son who was wounded, and fled to the camp.

In this skirmish, there were not many more than forty men killed; eighteen were taken prisoners, beside five lictors. Crispinus died of his wounds a few

84 Nec id sanè (says Livy, ib. 26., upon whom this passage serves as a good comment) aruspici placuisse, quòd secundàn trunca et turpia exta nimis læta apparuissent.*

days afterward 85. This was a most unparalleled misfortune, the Romans having lost both their consuls in one action $6

.

Annibal made little account of the rest, but when he knew that Marcellus was slain, he hastened to the place, and standing over the body a long time surveyed its size and mien; yet without speaking one insulting word, or exhibiting the least sign of joy, which might have been expected at the fall of so dangerous and formidable an enemy. He stood, indeed, awhile astonished at the strange death of so great a man; and at last taking his signet from his finger 87, caused his body to be magnificently attired and burned, and the ashes to be put into a silver urn, and then placed a crown of gold upon it, and sent it to his son. But certain Numidians, meeting those who carried the urn, attempted to take it from them; and, as the others stood upon their guard to defend it, the ashes were scattered in the struggle. When Annibal was informed of it, he said to those who were about him, " You see it is impossible to do any thing against the will of the Deity." He punished the Numidians indeed, but he took no farther care about collecting and sending again the remains of Marcellus, believing it the ordinance of some god that he should die in this extraordinary manner, and that his ashes should be denied burial. This account of the matter we have from Cornelius Nepos, and Valerius

85 He did not die till the latter end of the year, having named T. Manlius Torquatus dictator, to hold the Comitia. Some say he died at Tarentum, others in Campania. (Id. ib. 83.)

86 This Livy deplores, particularly as having happened counter not worth naming," sine niemorando prælio (ib.)*

in an en

87 Annibal imagined, that he should have some opportunity or other of making use of this seal to his advantage. But Crispinus despatched messengers to all the neighbouring cities in the interest of Rome, acquainting them that Marcellus was killed, and Annibal master of his ring. This precaution preserved Salapia, in Apulia. Nay, the inhabitants turned the artifice of the Carthaginian upon himself. For admitting, in pretended deference to a letter sealed with that ring, six hundred of Annibal's men (most of them Roman deserters) into the town, they on a sudden raised up the draw-bridges, cut in pieces those who had entered, and with a shower of darts from the ramparts drove back the zest. (Id. ib. 28.)

88

Maximus; but Livy 99 and Augustus Cæsar affirm, that the urn was carried to his son, and that his remains were interred with the utmost magnificence.

Marcellus' public donations, beside those which he dedicated at Rome, were a gymnasium which he built at Catana in Sicily, and several statues and paintings brought from Syracuse, which he placed in the temple of the Cabiri in Samothrace, and in that of Minerva at Lindus. In the latter of these the following verses, as Posidonius informs us, were inscribed upon the pedestal of his statue :

The star of Rome, Marcellus here behold,

For birth, for deeds of arms, by fame enroll'd.
Seven times his fasces graced the martial plain,
And by his thundering arm were thousands slain.

The author of this inscription adds to his five consulates the dignity of proconsul, with which he was twice honoured. His posterity continued in great splendor down to Marcellus, the son Caius Marcellus and Octavia the sister of Augustus ; who died very young, in the office of ædile, soon after he had married Julia the emperor's daughter. In honour of his memory, Octavia his mother dedicated to him a library 90, and Augustus a theatre, and both these public works bore his name.

88 Livy (ib.) informs us, that Annibal buried the body of Marcellus on the hill where he was slain. Of Augustus Caesar's works none are now extant.

89 His family continued after his death a hundred and eighty-five years; for he was slain A. U. C. 546, and young Marcellus died Å. U. C.

781., æt. 19.

90 According to Suetonius (Aug. xxix.) and Dion, liii. 1., it was not Octavia, but Augustus, that dedicated this library. (L.)

It was upon this young man, that Virgil composed those pathetic lines. at the end of the sixth Aneid, which so deeply affected Octavia, and drew from her so magnificent a recompense.*

141

PELOPIDAS AND MARCELLUS

COMPARED.

These are the particulars which we thought worth reciting from history concerning Marcellus and Pelopidas; between whom there was a strong resemblance in the gifts of nature, and in their lives and manners. For they were both men of heroic strength, capable of enduring the utmost fatigue, and eminent for their courage and magnanimity. The sole difference is that Marcellus, in most of the cities which he took by assault, committed considerable slaughter; whereas Epaminondas and Pelopidas never spilled the blood of any man whom they had conquered, nor enslaved any city which they had subdued. And it is affirmed that, if they had been present, the Thebans would not have deprived the Orchomenians of their liberty.

As to their achievements, among those of Marcellus there was none greater or more illustrious than having beat such an army of Gauls, both horse and foot, with a small body of cavalry (of which scarcely another instance is on record) and slain their prince with his own hand. Pelopidas hoped to have done something of the like nature; but he miscarried, and lost his life to the tyrant in the attempt. With these exploits of Marcellus the signally glorious battles of Leuctra and Tegyræ, however, may be compared. And on the other hand there is nothing of Marcellus' accomplished by secret ambuscade, which can be set against the happy management of Pelopidas in effecting his return from exile, and taking off the Theban tyrants. Of all the enterprises indeed of

the dark and guileful hand of art, that was the masterpiece.

91

If it be said that Annibal was a formidable enemy to the Romans, the Lacedæmonians were certainly the same to the Thebans. And yet it is on all hands agreed, that they were thoroughly beaten by Pelopidas at Leuctra and Tegyræ, whereas (according to Polybius) Annibal was never once defeated by Marcellus, but continued invincible till engaged with Scipio. We believe however with Livy, Cæsar, and Cornelius Nepos among the Latin historians, and with king Juba among the Greek, that Marcellus did sometimes defeat Annibal, and even put his troops to flight, though he gained no advantage of him sufficient to turn the balance considerably on his side; whence one might even suspect that the Carthaginian then acted with the art of a wrestler, who occasionally suffers himself to be thrown. But what has been very justly admired in Marcellus is, that after such immense armies had been routed, so many generals slain, and the whole empire almost totally subverted, he found means to inspire his troops with courage enough to make head against the enemy. He was the only man that from a state of terror and dismay, in which they had long remained, raised the army to an eagerness for battle, and infused into them such a confidence and spirit that, far from tamely giving up the victory, they disputed it with the greatest zeal and obstinacy. For those very men, who had been accustomed by a run of ill-success to think themselves happy if they could escape Annibal by flight92, were taught by Marcellus to be ashamed of coming off with disadvantage, to blush at the very thought of giving way, and to be sensibly affected if they did not gain the victory.

As Pelopidas never lost a battle in which he com

91 This historian was the son of Juba king of Numidia, who in the civil war sided with Pompey, and was slain by Petreius in single combat. The son, mentioned here, was brought in triumph by Cæsar to Rome, where he was educated in the learning of the Greeks and Romans.

92 Quos opimus

Fallere et effugere est triumphus. (Hor. Od. IV. iv. 51.) But the tables were then turned, if we may trust a Roman and a poet upon the subject; for these words, supposed to be uttered at a later pe riod of the war, are there put into Annibal's mouth.*